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Fighting identity
Material posted: Publication date: 26-12-2016
The article examines the possibility of applying the concept of "military identities" in the practice of warfare. Methodologically the concept relies on the theory of materialy Messner. The focus is on the domestic front, Russia.

Identity politics in the era of overcoming of post-modernism is a method of confrontation and deserves attention military analyst. The twentieth century mouth military theorists have said about the decisive role of the masses in conflicts after the Second World war, but the use of mass - one, and using identity as a method of struggle is another.

At the same time Russia today is facing both external and internal facing tough issues and formats, which will be used methods of transformation of identity into a weapon.

If to radicalise the view, we will see heavy prospects: as a rule, the future is first written in the book, then going on. Today can be called at random to ten books about Postrussia. Statement of the problem of finding the "national idea" in a country claiming the status of the Empire, operating under the Imperial logic signal to death. The prospect of reformatting of the state and society the task of the patriot is in the production of centrifugal processes and flashes of a new "battle of identities" at the service of the interests of Russia. Talented Russian in public Affairs, and the inability to handle the concept of "military identities" when it is missing will kill the country.

The essence of work of this kind lies in the political mobilization of social groups through the actualization of identity. This is often a technique of working with an ethnic group striving to become a nation, but "fighting identity" can be social, religious, and whatever else: mobilization "of the proletariat" during the revolution of 1917 - also the result of the work of the identity. In Russia, traditionally an important social identity and the national question plays a minor role. But hypothetical enemy in the deconstruction of the state is based on national, ethnic or regional identity. This emphasis is important when working with state of the Imperial type, unable to solve the problem of blurring of the identity of the "core" of the Imperial nation. Where stop working is traditional for this state of social mobility, accentuation of attention on regional identities in crisis management becomes a method of deconstruction of the state. We see a vivid example in the former Yugoslavia, but there is the peculiarity of the situation lies in the fact that the collapse began with the mainstreaming of Serbian nationalism, a process opposite to the blurring of identity. In Russia, the actualization of Russian nationalism appears to be weakly possible due to the missing of ethnic identity among Russian and traditional people models of political behavior, with the center in Moscow: that political self-organization does not manifest itself.

Working with identity is conducted in the following formats.

Exterior work, inside the object of interest in order to provoke the transfer of the focus of the efforts of the object on the domestic front. Example let's call the work of the Turkish Sanjak - Russkoy region as part of Serbia. Development and actualization of ethnic identity in the region makes Central government to focus on this danger, instead of having to solve other issues of public integrity and the protection of Serbian interests in the border regions. The success of such a strategy provokes internal conflict and the collapse of the national consent in the country of the enemy. Support "other" ethnic and religious communities in the country-the object of expansion of the essence of an old technique, but directly work on the development and actualization of political identity group is the direct strategic technology terminology Messner such a group is understood as the rebel column.

In a rarefied environment, where there is a civil war or deconstruire a state actor through the development of identity social group grows agent of influence (with tools for keeping it under control). For example, assistance in the formation of institutions of a Kurdish state in Syria and Iraq will create a strong, sustainable social and political actor in the region. Also for internal security work with the identity necessary for a faithful assessment of danger to the state.

In the border regions, this policy solves. Cultural impact and create strong agents of influence in Ukraine would allow Russia to take after the Maidan more than was taken. Organizational, ideological form of Russian identity would (if competent work) Russians in the former USSR agents of influence of Russia. The Ukrainian conflict has shown that the work in peace time needed: civil war is breaking out suddenly, and the choice of the person to be Ukrainian or Russian - is determined by sometimes the song that sounds in the mind of the person.

Russia needs to work on the domestic front. Within the state lives in a number of regional communities of the Republican status with a range of capacity - from the eternal recipient to a sovereign state. Another Professor Znamensky wrote that in every Russo-Turkish war of Volga Tatars worried and was expecting the arrival of the liberators, and on the background of the collapse of the Soviet Union along national elites called for greater Republican powers. The nineties have demonstrated that the regions are not interested in full sovereignty. Like the interregional Association "Siberian Agreement", the Commonwealth Ural regions also did not show aspirations to separatism. However, in the case of interest in updating the centrifugal processes in Russia the enemy is the effect on the country's vector of updating the regional identities with a focus on sovereignty.

Here our center of attention drawn to the so-called "Russian" population of the country. Had in the Imperial and Soviet times respectively the Imperial and Soviet identity, Russian experienced a severe identity crisis for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Attempts to regenerate the identity, echoing the Imperial experience, obviously a failure. Processes within regional and local communities, is hardly aimed at the formation of the monolith. An appeal to Russian national identity will lead to the formation of a political entity aspiring to power in the country: the way today's Russian elite are able partly to stop, but there is either the formation of the Russian political subjectivity, or the development of regional identities on the basis of Russian. The formation of strong identity is possible in non-political formats (taking into account the Russian mentality), but can also claim political subjectivity and economic. independence. Here opens the field for use with an external agent. Because in the long term or rather the aspiration to create a Russian political entity.

The success of the internal strategy for dealing with identity will create the tools of foreign policy influence. So, failing to create loyalty to the state Islamic structures, the actor will have an impact on the Islamist movement in Central Asia, and the Ural regional identity will be a factor in the Russian North of Kazakhstan.

It is important to note that identity can (and, in our opinion, should) be the job profile of the security services. When the actions of the special services determined by the anti-extremist legislation and brochures describing the outward signs and the ideology of certain potentially dangerous communities is one way of work. If special services operating on the internal front, are a clear strategy for working with identity, it is a different profile of work, giving the state better affect the stability and integrity of the state. Opens here, and the full cooperation of the intelligence communities, representing a new identity.

Briefly describe the mechanism of Genesis, development, and actualization of political identity.

The beginning of her is the myth as narrative, constructed in the framework of mythological logic. The myth says about the collective self, as expressed in the software books and articles, and in songs, images. Affects people with a basis for making identity - for example, belonging to a religious or ethnic community. In varying degrees, a myth peculiar to the entire community, but before updating, it formed a community-a crystal from people who focus on the development of Myth: the development of discursive advocacy. Thanks to them, the Myth finds ideological expression, while today, one community directed in one myth a number of ideologies. A trivial example is SLEEP and the Right Sector in Ukraine. One myth, different ideologies, different format of action, one core purpose.

Community-crystal with ideologies and media brings the Myth to the reference group, creating conditions for organizational action. In the case of destruction of the state format of the formation of the new subject of community band. The community, becoming strong, needs a budget and the power wing. Fighting purely criminal, and ideological competitors reveals a strong community that can unite the community.

Within the living of the state of formation community requires loyalty on the part of political elites (or political elite of the region) and security services as well as financial support.

How can be work on the domestic front with the identity that seems to be threatening? Is work on each part of the above chain. The suppression of the financing of the production of political elite of the region and the state in the position in which it is unable to support the community. Disloyalty on the part of intelligence - the harsh suppression of the intentions of the organization. Also interesting is the field of struggle for the separation referentni group from the community of the crystal. Here, we distinguish two directions.

First - no matter how trivial, social policy. Included in the life of society, confident in the future people less willing to share the ideology that offers a risky way to chimerical goals. Actually marginalized social group with a strong intellectual and volitional beginning will be able to identity and self-organization, question the ability of the state to ensure her loyalty.

Another way is a deconstruction of ideologies stemming from identichnosti myth. This is a classic discursive work with media demonstriruyut the main points of the ideology emphasized the infidelity, the infidelity of the main goals set by the ideology. Coupled with harsh and repressive pressure, this path will give temporarily good results.

But in the most complicated way of getting to work directly with identichnosti a myth.

The problem is that in the 21st century attempt to deconstruct may encounter strong resistance. It is no secret that the concept of Russian history, developed the Tatar historians, differs from the Russian, in particular by denying to the number of its representatives, the fact of the battle of Kulikovo, crucial for the Russian national myth. Myth, scientific institutions, reputation of scientists, an insurmountable fortress, which raise the strength of the bearers of identity, and in which they are secure in the case of military and political defeats.

Because the state when dealing with the myth of identity must pay attention to its deconstruction. "Wars of memory" - a term relevant to modern politics, and the ability to avoid wars, but to combine historical narratives, interpretations of history, the positioning of subjects of Federation - the mission of the modern power center, which bears the burden of government regarding community identity, distinct from the "core".

It is important to note that national socialism was a taboo in the world not only because of the fact of a number of crimes against humanity, but because of the nuclear effect of the pairing of social and national models of political mobilization. Anyway, in the format of "soft" this pairing is manifested in the policy of the subjects of history. When the state catches up with the crisis, shifting currents of social protest in the national plane creates the siege of Sarajevo, and the actor does not want to repeat this invaluable experience has to match the politics of memory with the right social policies, showing the ability to build social institutions and to provide social mobility. The stronger the person is embedded in social system, the harder it is to confess a radical version of their national myth.

Speaking about the Russian domestic front, we are doomed to actualize the concept of the mythological field. If the website of the national Republic there is a version of the story of the people included in the "Imperial" liberation field, books published by quite a large circulation in the country, can contain dramatically "liberation" interpretation of a people's history focused on the sovereignty of the people - two hundred, maybe five years. Thus Russian national myth, until exhaustion developed in the Imperial box, and also has expression in the liberation field. Sooner or later this will come to a large audience. Thus, high-quality work with the liberation field held prior to the possible state of crisis will help you go through this crisis, softer, without unnecessary meetings, declarations of independence and shots.

Working with myth also excludes (except extreme situations) harsh repression, relative to its speakers. Repression born of the martyrs, and life free a third journalist, from the outrageous voicing of radical theses, the loss of liberty or life becomes a monument, a new pillar of the myth.

Of course, an important goal in conducting identichnosti strategy becomes defragmentation reference groups. Dense inclusion in the social system changes the hierarchical position identity, able to be mobilized. Ideological invasion may produce a split within the community of crystal or inside people actively professing the identity. In this case, carriers of the same myth will have a new obstacle to the growth and organization of the reference group.

But all the strategic moves aimed at preventing the development and mobilization of identity, able to be agent of state of decay will be useless if the state is unable to conduct a verified social policy to build social mobility, social group to give a place in society. In this case, any obstacle will be overcome, and social groups capable of self-organization, will take its toll sooner or later. And first of all it concerns marginalized Humanities: history suggests that this social group can often act as a leaven, community-crystal and reference group to combat identity. Therefore, sooner or later the government, unable to carry out their functions, will be forced to reckon not just with the presence of particular social groups within itself, but with the presence of deinstitutionalisierung political actors within.

The level of change that promises to happen to the country can be quite large and overwhelming the state structures. Therefore, in dealing with identity on the domestic front it is important to put a goal not only the preservation of the old format of life of state and society, how much giving is acceptable to the major groups form a new alignment of forces of production in this form

Identity politics in the era of overcoming of post-modernism is a method of confrontation and deserves attention military analyst. The twentieth century mouth military theorists have said about the decisive role of the masses in conflicts after the Second World war, but the use of mass - one, and using identity as a method of struggle is another.

At the same time Russia today is facing both external and internal facing tough issues and formats, which will be used methods of transformation of identity into a weapon.

If to radicalise the view, we will see heavy prospects: as a rule, the future is first written in the book, then going on. Today can be called at random to ten books about Postrussia. Statement of the problem of finding the "national idea" in a country claiming the status of the Empire, operating under the Imperial logic signal to death. The prospect of reformatting of the state and society the task of the patriot is in the production of centrifugal processes and flashes of a new "battle of identities" at the service of the interests of Russia. Talented Russian in public Affairs, and the inability to handle the concept of "military identities" when it is missing will kill the country.

The essence of work of this kind lies in the political mobilization of social groups through the actualization of identity. This is often a technique of working with an ethnic group striving to become a nation, but "fighting identity" can be social, religious, and whatever else: mobilization "of the proletariat" during the revolution of 1917 - also the result of the work of the identity. In Russia, traditionally an important social identity and the national question plays a minor role. But hypothetical enemy in the deconstruction of the state is based on national, ethnic or regional identity. This emphasis is important when working with state of the Imperial type, unable to solve the problem of blurring of the identity of the "core" of the Imperial nation. Where stop working is traditional for this state of social mobility, accentuation of attention on regional identities in crisis management becomes a method of deconstruction of the state. We see a vivid example in the former Yugoslavia, but there is the peculiarity of the situation lies in the fact that the collapse began with the mainstreaming of Serbian nationalism, a process opposite to the blurring of identity. In Russia, the actualization of Russian nationalism appears to be weakly possible due to the missing of ethnic identity among Russian and traditional people models of political behavior, with the center in Moscow: that political self-organization does not manifest itself.

Working with identity is conducted in the following formats.

Exterior work, inside the object of interest in order to provoke the transfer of the focus of the efforts of the object on the domestic front. Example let's call the work of the Turkish Sanjak - Russkoy region as part of Serbia. Development and actualization of ethnic identity in the region makes Central government to focus on this danger, instead of having to solve other issues of public integrity and the protection of Serbian interests in the border regions. The success of such a strategy provokes internal conflict and the collapse of the national consent in the country of the enemy. Support "other" ethnic and religious communities in the country-the object of expansion of the essence of an old technique, but directly work on the development and actualization of political identity group is the direct strategic technology terminology Messner such a group is understood as the rebel column.

In a rarefied environment, where there is a civil war or deconstruire a state actor through the development of identity social group grows agent of influence (with tools for keeping it under control). For example, assistance in the formation of institutions of a Kurdish state in Syria and Iraq will create a strong, sustainable social and political actor in the region. Also for internal security work with the identity necessary for a faithful assessment of danger to the state.

In the border regions, this policy solves. Cultural impact and create strong agents of influence in Ukraine would allow Russia to take after the Maidan more than was taken. Organizational, ideological form of Russian identity would (if competent work) Russians in the former USSR agents of influence of Russia. The Ukrainian conflict has shown that the work in peace time needed: civil war is breaking out suddenly, and the choice of the person to be Ukrainian or Russian - is determined by sometimes the song that sounds in the mind of the person.

Russia needs to work on the domestic front. Within the state lives in a number of regional communities of the Republican status with a range of capacity - from the eternal recipient to a sovereign state. Another Professor Znamensky wrote that in every Russo-Turkish war of Volga Tatars worried and was expecting the arrival of the liberators, and on the background of the collapse of the Soviet Union along national elites called for greater Republican powers. The nineties have demonstrated that the regions are not interested in full sovereignty. Like the interregional Association "Siberian Agreement", the Commonwealth Ural regions also did not show aspirations to separatism. However, in the case of interest in updating the centrifugal processes in Russia the enemy is the effect on the country's vector of updating the regional identities with a focus on sovereignty.

Here our center of attention drawn to the so-called "Russian" population of the country. Had in the Imperial and Soviet times respectively the Imperial and Soviet identity, Russian experienced a severe identity crisis for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Attempts to regenerate the identity, echoing the Imperial experience, obviously a failure. Processes within regional and local communities, is hardly aimed at the formation of the monolith. An appeal to Russian national identity will lead to the formation of a political entity aspiring to power in the country: the way today's Russian elite are able partly to stop, but there is either the formation of the Russian political subjectivity, or the development of regional identities on the basis of Russian. The formation of strong identity is possible in non-political formats (taking into account the Russian mentality), but can also claim political subjectivity and economic. independence. Here opens the field for use with an external agent. Because in the long term or rather the aspiration to create a Russian political entity.

The success of the internal strategy for dealing with identity will create the tools of foreign policy influence. So, failing to create loyalty to the state Islamic structures, the actor will have an impact on the Islamist movement in Central Asia, and the Ural regional identity will be a factor in the Russian North of Kazakhstan.

It is important to note that identity can (and, in our opinion, should) be the job profile of the security services. When the actions of the special services determined by the anti-extremist legislation and brochures describing the outward signs and the ideology of certain potentially dangerous communities is one way of work. If special services operating on the internal front, are a clear strategy for working with identity, it is a different profile of work, giving the state better affect the stability and integrity of the state. Opens here, and the full cooperation of the intelligence communities, representing a new identity.

Briefly describe the mechanism of Genesis, development, and actualization of political identity.

The beginning of her is the myth as narrative, constructed in the framework of mythological logic. The myth says about the collective self, as expressed in the software books and articles, and in songs, images. Affects people with a basis for making identity - for example, belonging to a religious or ethnic community. In varying degrees, a myth peculiar to the entire community, but before updating, it formed a community-a crystal from people who focus on the development of Myth: the development of discursive advocacy. Thanks to them, the Myth finds ideological expression, while today, one community directed in one myth a number of ideologies. A trivial example is SLEEP and the Right Sector in Ukraine. One myth, different ideologies, different format of action, one core purpose.

Community-crystal with ideologies and media brings the Myth to the reference group, creating conditions for organizational action. In the case of destruction of the state format of the formation of the new subject of community band. The community, becoming strong, needs a budget and the power wing. Fighting purely criminal, and ideological competitors reveals a strong community that can unite the community.

Within the living of the state of formation community requires loyalty on the part of political elites (or political elite of the region) and security services as well as financial support.

How can be work on the domestic front with the identity that seems to be threatening? Is work on each part of the above chain. The suppression of the financing of the production of political elite of the region and the state in the position in which it is unable to support the community. Disloyalty on the part of intelligence - the harsh suppression of the intentions of the organization. Also interesting is the field of struggle for the separation referentni group from the community of the crystal. Here, we distinguish two directions.

First - no matter how trivial, social policy. Included in the life of society, confident in the future people less willing to share the ideology that offers a risky way to chimerical goals. Actually marginalized social group with a strong intellectual and volitional beginning will be able to identity and self-organization, question the ability of the state to ensure her loyalty.

Another way is a deconstruction of ideologies stemming from identichnosti myth. This is a classic discursive work with media demonstriruyut the main points of the ideology emphasized the infidelity, the infidelity of the main goals set by the ideology. Coupled with harsh and repressive pressure, this path will give temporarily good results.

But in the most complicated way of getting to work directly with identichnosti a myth.

The problem is that in the 21st century attempt to deconstruct may encounter strong resistance. It is no secret that the concept of Russian history, developed the Tatar historians, differs from the Russian, in particular by denying to the number of its representatives, the fact of the battle of Kulikovo, crucial for the Russian national myth. Myth, scientific institutions, reputation of scientists, an insurmountable fortress, which raise the strength of the bearers of identity, and in which they are secure in the case of military and political defeats.

Because the state when dealing with the myth of identity must pay attention to its deconstruction. "Wars of memory" - a term relevant to modern politics, and the ability to avoid wars, but to combine historical narratives, interpretations of history, the positioning of subjects of Federation - the mission of the modern power center, which bears the burden of government regarding community identity, distinct from the "core".

It is important to note that national socialism was a taboo in the world not only because of the fact of a number of crimes against humanity, but because of the nuclear effect of the pairing of social and national models of political mobilization. Anyway, in the format of "soft" this pairing is manifested in the policy of the subjects of history. When the state catches up with the crisis, shifting currents of social protest in the national plane creates the siege of Sarajevo, and the actor does not want to repeat this invaluable experience has to match the politics of memory with the right social policies, showing the ability to build social institutions and to provide social mobility. The stronger the person is embedded in social system, the harder it is to confess a radical version of their national myth.

Speaking about the Russian domestic front, we are doomed to actualize the concept of the mythological field. If the website of the national Republic there is a version of the story of the people included in the "Imperial" liberation field, books published by quite a large circulation in the country, can contain dramatically "liberation" interpretation of a people's history focused on the sovereignty of the people - two hundred, maybe five years. Thus Russian national myth, until exhaustion developed in the Imperial box, and also has expression in the liberation field. Sooner or later this will come to a large audience. Thus, high-quality work with the liberation field held prior to the possible state of crisis will help you go through this crisis, softer, without unnecessary meetings, declarations of independence and shots.

Working with myth also excludes (except extreme situations) harsh repression, relative to its speakers. Repression born of the martyrs, and life free a third journalist, from the outrageous voicing of radical theses, the loss of liberty or life becomes a monument, a new pillar of the myth.

Of course, an important goal in conducting identichnosti strategy becomes defragmentation reference groups. Dense inclusion in the social system changes the hierarchical position identity, able to be mobilized. Ideological invasion may produce a split within the community of crystal or inside people actively professing the identity. In this case, carriers of the same myth will have a new obstacle to the growth and organization of the reference group.

But all the strategic moves aimed at preventing the development and mobilization of identity, able to be agent of state of decay will be useless if the state is unable to conduct a verified social policy to build social mobility, social group to give a place in society. In this case, any obstacle will be overcome, and social groups capable of self-organization, will take its toll sooner or later. And first of all it concerns marginalized Humanities: history suggests that this social group can often act as a leaven, community-crystal and reference group to combat identity. Therefore, sooner or later the government, unable to carry out their functions, will be forced to reckon not just with the presence of particular social groups within itself, but with the presence of deinstitutionalisierung political actors within.

The level of change that promises to happen to the country can be quite large and overwhelming the state structures. Therefore, in dealing with identity on the domestic front it is important to put a goal not only the preservation of the old format of life of state and society, how much giving is acceptable to the major groups form a new alignment of forces of productions of this form.

Alexander Davydov


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