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The wings of the sovereign
Material posted: Publication date: 11-12-2014

The postmodern era creates the desire to counter it. We see utter absurdity of people actually breaks through the blood they shed, and in the sphere of struggle of ideas, new ideologies, destroying or transforming the ideological field of the West or chaotic space growing like a weed meanings in the post-Soviet space.

New forms of mobilization of the society — the mobilization of often radical, requiring the community member participation in the armed struggle, or commit crimes, have two important and constitutive for yourself properties. First, they openly despised the secularism of Modernity, and even of Soviet conservatism is based not on atheism, but on the Pantheon of martyrs and heroes. New models of mobilization for the task based on the sacred and already in this very fact is a rebellion against a cruel new world soft, suffocating eternity of asphalt world of postideologii.

Secondly, the balance of power while dramatically profitable world of postmodernism — does not wish to die a product of secularization is rich, clever and almost healthy. Therefore, the actions of the new world order forces, as a rule, subordinated to the interests of the old forces, not wanting to leave. Maybe this is forever and in the best mood today Christian is eschatological. However, it may happen that the price of blood remind yourself of Bank accounts, and the coming of the last Antichrist will be delayed seven years due to a Martyr's blood for another couple of generations.

A complete answer will give us only the end of each period of our earthly life, but today it is interesting to comprehend and understand, to create a tool to analyse the "revolt of the sacred" is a relatively new social phenomenon, today expressed in thousands of volunteers to the Donbass war and communities of the knights of Jihad, are preparing for a large war on suburban roads.

The explosions of the Russian identity today is part of the logic of materialy, and set out fifty years ago, the concept of Messner allows us to create tools for the analysis of specific cases of materiali, and to give an overall assessment of the phenomenon.

Materially, on the one hand, always has an external interested party. This external help soldiers antigosudarstvennogo uprising — which, according to Messner, are equally and sabotaging the work of ideological considerations, and fighters of the rebel Polarny — the place to be everywhere and in various forms — from "Voentorg", allowing the Ukrainian army to gain combat experience, albeit sometimes with great losses, to some aluminiumgehause of the state in the construction of the mosque in the Crimea. The first is focused on tomorrow's result, the second — for the next decade of social reality in the risk for Russia's regions.

On the other hand, by materialy is re-revolution, returns to the world of the sacred. With the increasing material support for rebel forces in a foreign country interested undermines the foundations of his power, resting on materialistic worldview scheme.

What requirements makes us a phenomenon with such features? First of all, we need to make some frames for the analysis of the level of actual and potential sovereignty of the insurgent community. Next, we need to understand the nature of the sacred nucleus schemes worldview comes into the world by the explosion of identity — outline of a rational and sacred in the new ideologies. And, accordingly, it is necessary to build a framework for the development of the ideology of a certain kind, belonging to one or another pole of sovereignty.

Take as axiomatic that any type of social mobilization seeks to set in motion some mental patterns, the same type of reacting to one stimulus within the same social group. The question, therefore, is how these mental patterns involved. Let's call two conventionally extreme form of such mainstreaming of mental activity. Instinctive form of mobilization is based on biological instincts and strives to create a strong and short-term mobilization effects. The archetypal form of mobilization seeks to engage the archetypes of thinking mobilized social groups, which leads to the presence of a certain reflection before the release of social energy.

Instinctive mobilization should assume the absence of reflection and the work of certain conditioned reflexes of native identity. If give possible examples, the difference is as follows.

When required the mobilization of ethnic groups, "natural Genesis" is an information campaign, which aims to strengthen the "feeling of the pack" and catalyzing process of the maturing of irritation to the representatives of "their" flocks. This does not necessarily break the law: to work effectively as part of this campaign may well developed an algorithm of selecting news for TV broadcast. This mobilization requires a lot of the media resource and a good institutional framework (in the latter case the interested parties of the ethnic explosion is committed to carry out relatively specific and localized actions).

When ethnic mobilization takes place within the "archetypical" model, it must consist above all in mobilizing some of the circle of the intelligentsia and intellectuals, who are reflection of the ethnic community. This reflection is first and foremost in the modernization and updating of the basic myths of the nation and the ideology of the forces involved in articulation of social and political empowerment of ethnic groups within the political institutions of society. In this case, requires a massive media campaign (which is also needed, but performs a purely instrumental task), but first of all qualitative discursive strategy that leads to the imposition of reflection in the same direction among all clusters of the given ethnic group. This type of mobilization may not lead to conditional pogrom, but he's a complete and long-term mobilizes social energy, ethnic community, what will be the result of either strengthening the position of ethnic groups within the framework of existing political institutions, or, in the case of non-representation of ethnicity in legal policy, the increased pressure of this community on society for political legitimization. In this case, a pogrom directed primarily politically engaged intellectuals, not the organizer "correct" the information campaign will be only part of an overall community policy aimed at the sovereignty.

Clearly, these two forms of mobilization cannot exist in pure form as political action. Any form of mobilisation of any community we can appreciate in these two forms, understood as a pole, unattainable extremes. It should be noted that the degree of closeness of a particular mobilization campaign to "archetypal" pole is directly proportional to the potential sovereignty mobilityware community, and Vice versa — the less quality, organically-developed ideology mobilized the community and the stronger emphasis on the mobilization of instincts performs a mobilization campaign, the less the potential sovereignty of the community.

Now, after placing the two poles of mobilization, we describe the discursive structure within which the aforesaid mobilization is carried out. Under the discursive structure here we understand ideology, under the ideology is a relatively closed, organic system of ideas that formed the basis for the worldview of a social group. Speaking of ideology in the modern world, we rely in our reasoning on thoughts J. Smartmates formulated in the book "Ideology and politics". According to Svartmetall, ideology in the modern world changes its function. In the past the ideology had the task of explaining the world in General, today, after winning the Western ideology of liberalism, liberalism has become some of the ideological field, which affect loser competition and have become relative to the local ideology and ideologies, which do not claim to totality their proposed worldview, but are aimed at making a particular social identity or to tackle long-running problems, such as environmental. In the context of our story, we must focus on making the ideology of identity — we assume that the social group of carriers of a certain identity, structured and cohesive thanks to a developed ideology itself, formulates his problem and the tasks to perform.

We have already talked about the return of the sacred, active role in the political mobilization of some elements of the sacred. As the mobilized social group not simply has an ideology, but are willing to fight, we should not remain within the understanding of ideology as purely schematic worldview. We should see in the ideology of lines, converging media identity with the sacred core, the center, giving energy for the implementation and approval in the world of this identity.

K. Levi-Stross in one of his articles drew an analogy between political ideology and religion. K. Calhoun in the book "Nationalism" refers to K. Hayes, asserting that nationalism is a form of civil religion. These theses are more similar to reservations, yet allow us to work to reconcile philosophy and religion.

In this relational perspective, the mechanisms of thinking, deployed in the propagation of ideology, not always familiar to us belong to the modern ratio. Hence, and itself an ideological narrative should not be completely academic and rational. Although ideological work requires a powerful intellectual resource and as a rule, benefits from a quality academic Foundation for her, ideological construct and can de-facto is built as a field of symbols and texts, making media ideology to a certain meeting of the transcendental senses. In other words, ideological texts, usually is the mythical narrative, which must withstand a certain intellectual limit, and at the same time to answer so grouped the issues raised potential carrier of identity, the answer can't assume that full academic. Often it's just the resolution of the contradictions arising from the existence of man in a complex and rapidly changing society with rich information potential (in our days, information potential of society not just the rich and monstrously big and chaotic). And when we talk about the decision of the ideology of the contradictions that comes to mind is the study of Levi-Strauss mythological thinking. French anthropologist believed that mythological thinking is not inferior to the rational, but has a somewhat different structure. It is not a linear logic, and the emphasis here is on logical contradictions. The system of explanation has a layered structure. Between the two conflicting theses (or facts) is born point is as a mediator, allowing protivorechie. Further, between the first mediator and conflicting abstracts are born new items-mediators — this was a new level of narrative. Continue levels grow until, until you are depleted of the intellectual impetus that gave rise to the myth - hence, for its development an important force primary contradiction. Also lévi-Strauss drew attention to the fact that the myth is as free as possible from the language of the story: that is, its meanings are least dependent on the semantics of the language in which it is created and exists. This fact requires from the ideological texts of imagery and symbolism — but both in qualitative ideological texts lack: a good example would be a reference to A. Izetbegovic's "Islamic Declaration" to glorious Islamic past of Turkey and its secular sad really: the best way, first in the world state is bright and the same for, I believe, in all languages the same and as the understanding of secular Turkey as a member state, "hundreds". You can also lead a vivid comparison of the "cult of Victory" with karkinitskii heresy in one of the programmatic texts F. Mamonov.

Thus, ideology as an organic system of meanings generates a rationalized mythology, which mobilizes the society, in the case of "a serious turn of Affairs" (K. Schmitt). And here, in speaking about ideological work, we return to our poles "instinctive" and "archetypal" mobilization.

Obviously, each requires the mobilization of ideology. The question is the level of elaboration of this ideology, in particular, because more and more actual becomes the expression of "ideological simulacrum".

In the case of "instinctive" mobilization, or rather "most instinctive" ideology is very mythological, and rationalism is extremely down to earth and operasiya on animal instincts in nature. The ideology itself may not have high-quality, organically-built structure of the myth. Instead of ideology can be used in fact "an ideological simulacrum": the knee stitched on the canvas of ideas and interpretations, expressly designed for "hilling" the strata of people with certain identichnosti markers and more or less existing in their heads and souls systems of these markers. Roughly speaking, ideological simulacrum is a mechanism to ensure the correct reactions of the mobilized group. Unlike the ideology here is that the simulacrum has no full and lively picture of the world, nor sustainable target audience — media, specifically class, religious, ethnic or other identity. The actual boundary between ideology and its simulacrum are extremely unstable, and probably the most important differentiating criterion is the criterion of "fruit": if nationalists mobilized for the construction of the Russian state, as a result of "Russian state" exists only in the form of flags on some posts, and has no reason to appear even in the form of some structure of like-minded people working towards the construction — it was the site of ideological simulacrum, whose task was to ensure the realization of the thesis, we formulate and mobilize a specific CA to solve other political problems. The creators of the simulacrum can stand political entity with a real ideology. More precisely, can not stand.

Instinctive model of mobilization suggests a large value of the specific tenets of slogans and maximum narrow the space for reflection, in which there may be controversy in strictly defined directions.

Ideology, built under an instinctive model must initially assume a rigid framework for the action and also needs a powerful propaganda machine (silly, however, to think that any ideology does not need it).

The most obvious feature that is characteristic of instinctive patterns of mobilization and the resulting properties we outlined the ideology, ensuring its implementation is the low level of sovereignty ideology and, consequently, sovereignty mobilized community. Narrow space for reflection, the emphasis on the mobilization of animal reflexes, the need for strong advocacy support, which requires large resources - all this makes us understand instinctive model mobilization as a perfect means of manipulating the energy of society. The only problem here is that it is difficult to put the Genie in its bottle.

We now turn to the description of ideology, conventionally required for an archetypal model of mobilization. "Archetypal" ideology, on the one hand, the rationalist must have a narrative only as a means of expanding the area of its existence; on the other hand, this ideology needs to generate self reflection and ask kachesvtennye intellectual direction of this reflection. In fact, the archetypal ideology is based on a rich symbolism that generate a deep and varied reflection. Consequently, the ideology of the plan should contain a rich, extensive mythology, developed and organic to the Pantheon of heroes, bright and deep character system and a powerful theoretical Foundation. This kind of ideology goes very hard in the starting stages, but is necessary and the strongest means of ensuring real, that is, the intellectual sovereignty of the community — which creates the ability of communities to use their resources and capabilities. Also this ideology is able to create specific campaigns to mobilize certain groups in the community through aktualizaciu instinctive aspirations of a typical representative of CA. The main and the most powerful ideologies of the shortcomings of the archetypal plan is the complexity of their creation and the complexity of their mobilization.

Again: hardly exist and can exist pure types of archetypal and instinctive mobilization. The crystal expressions of these types — coffee controversy in the archetypal case of mobilization and a series of pogroms in the case instinctive. It is essential to determine proximity to one or another pole of mobilizational campaign which we have seen and accomplished.

What conclusion we can draw from the above?

First of all, when we approach the study of ethnic, religious or other radical cases of social mobilization in our time, we find ourselves in a rather dangerous borderland between academic knowledge and rational thinking, on the one hand, and unconscious use of ideological narrative and mythological thinking, on the other hand. This danger arises from the fact that, in an effort to describe the contours of reality and to penetrate the essence of phenomena, we are close to running algorithms entirely different mindset and openly religious, irrational motives of radical action from the entities of this action. The danger is to stay within the limits of required academic is compounded by the fact that each of us is the bearer of a particular identity and a particular ideology, and so the absolute objectivity of the study, at all desire, we cannot even expect from yourself. However, the need to conceptualize new features of reality and act upon certain social and political processes for the purpose sometimes just to avoid high blood becomes more pressing as more people enter the funnel istoricheskije of events that threatens to flip and make irretrievable past that Russia in which we live today.

Alexander Davydov

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