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Material posted: Publication date: 14-09-2012

In an interview to the question "Why You did it, and not in Argentina?", Augusto Pinochet said: "They worked for themselves, and we are — for Chile".

To present Pinochet usual Latin American dictator — a blunder. The Chileans themselves from his team always warn: "Every national experience is unique". Just look at the parade of dictators in the third world, not managed to implement any reforms, staged a monstrous corruption and uncontrolled terror with the relative political motivation.

The Chilean army, as the guarantor of traditional national security, assumed responsibility at a time when Chile fell into the abyss. And force stopped the chaos and almost started a civil war.

Chilean army — special for Latin America. This caste, proud of their professionalism. Perhaps this is why the Chilean military was not the traditional temptation to direct health care, road construction and agriculture — addicted than their Latin American colleagues. American economist Hanke noticed that he'd never met a military with such deep understanding of liberal Economics, like General Pinochet.

By the way, it is characteristic that Pinochet never occurred to you to refrain from paying olandesca debts to the Soviet Union at a time when even formal diplomatic relations.

The basis of the Chilean modernization — the principle of universalism, which were observed with a unique cruelty and sequence: for anybody, for any reason cannot be exceptions to the rules. The state establishes a level playing field for all and monitors their execution. No, even the most obvious and rapid progress, cannot be the basis for granting benefits and privileges. Because a violation of the principle of universalism inevitably destroys the market economy mechanism and deforms the state. Thus, the officials did not take arbitrary decisions, as we have said, "don't decide issues," and with these "issues" just stop coming.

There is one amazing testimony to the effectiveness of the Chilean experience. Seventeen years of open dictatorship, the coming to power of enemies, possessed a thirst for vengeance — and not a single corruption case.

It should be added that the main success of the Chilean reform is not only the modernization of the economy. This is the most effective, completely non-state social assistance system. Only a strong and honest government can help the poor. Because the poor are always the weak. In a democratic state, forget about them after getting their votes in the elections.

Chile was a poor country. And it is still not very rich. Pinochet was not defeated poverty. However, even his opponents admit that he won poverty.

Today in Chile, every family from the very poor district can enroll your child in the best school, after which he can enroll in any University though the Chilean, though American, if you have enough abilities.

And last. The basis for the success of the Chilean reform — the amazing corporate morality all Chilean reformers. The command of Pinochet, primarily those of the Chicago boys, which, in fact, not very Chicago: liberals, nationalists, Catholics. Any deviation from professional and ethical principles meant expulsion from the Corporation. These are people with whom it is pointless to discuss the issue that "in our historical specificity of" two times two is three to five.

When Pinochet transferred power to a civilian government — by the way, at exactly the advertised time, — he gave his associates a commemorative medal on which was engraved "the mission statement of the" — "Task is completed". The country has taken — the country gave. After a major overhaul.

— Tell me, when and how has made a decision to take power and responsibility, and what was the situation in Chile at this point?

— First of all, the country was in a very difficult social, economic and financial environment. She was practically under martial law. In the morning you could see in all the stores huge queues for bread. Himself the then President Dr. Allende said to the people of that grain in our barns remained for three days. In addition, he lost control of his men. The murders were happening. During the so-called agrarian reform was engaged in foreign lands. The Ministry of justice, the chamber of deputies and other government authorities have already officially announced that President Allende had gone beyond the Constitution.

All this showed us that we are already at the edge of the cliff. We've gathered four leaders of the army and Navy and decided to take power into their own hands. September 11 was defined as the day of the coup. On this day, unfortunately, war broke out in every sense of the word. In Chile, Allende was counting on 15 thousand foreign soldiers, specially trained. But by the evening everything had calmed down, and we officially took power into their own hands.

I don't want to say that the fight ended. She continued even more intensively, as opponents have moved to terror. Of course, we could — fled abroad, for example, the Cubans, the ships which were in port. From that moment began the painstaking work to restore order in the country. Among us there were no professional politicians. So we invited to work smart and educated people that were not soldiers.

We were all brought up in conditions of domination of state control over the economy. But there is now a new generation that started talking about liberal economy. However, such people, compared to the proponents of state control over the economy, was a little. They were few even in the Armed Forces. Even among the us military, most were still for state control over the economy and the minority are Pro — choice. We started gradual, careful work on the economic recovery of the country.

— As far as I know, political opposition to Allende had hoped that the army will do the dirty work and the government will be transferred to them. In the first place — the Christian Democrats, which went to You and said that the country is heading into the abyss. And immediately ran to Allende and swore loyalty to the constitutional order. When there was a decision not to transfer power to the civilian opposition, and to do the work yourself?

— First of all, I must say that we never promised that soon will give power to civilians again, because first we had to achieve certain goals and results. Specific dates and goals don't always coincide. We don't aim for anyone to catch up and overtake. We had some goals and we didn't think about the timing. Happened different: some political figures who contributed to the war movement, felt that power should shift to them. And as a result, those who initially supported us, became our enemies.

Without mentioning names, I remind you that the first President, to whom we gave authority, relied on our support to military methods, and then took the opposite position. Now, of course, they all have certain arguments in justification of their actions.

— There are a lot of speculation about the U.S. role in the Chilean events. A certain role was played by the Soviet Union. What was the real degree of participation of America in these processes?

— Russia has always supported our enemies, that is the movement that opposed the military government. As for Americans, some of them supported us, others opposed it.

— Known practice of military regimes in various Latin American countries. Your Chilean experience contrasts sharply with what happened in all other Latin American countries. How do You explain it? Why did the military government of Chile has taken a totally different path?

— First of all we have ensured that the army was engaged exclusively in its primary tasks. We drew on the work of the most able and competent soldiers. We have some ethics. We explained to the soldiers that if they wish to work in the government, and everyone likes to work in the government, they must adhere to strict rules. Otherwise it is impossible. In addition, we had two foreign policy problems.

A hundred years have passed since the end of the war in the Pacific, which involved Bolivia, Chile and Peru. There was a danger that Northern neighbors try to take advantage of our difficulties. The situation was very tense. There was tension in relations with Argentina. We stood on the brink of war. Thank God that the intervention of the Vatican prevented military conflict.

— I remember the text of the Declaration of principles of a military government. How do they combine with the most consistent liberal reform in the twentieth century?

We just followed the principles of the Declaration. With regard to economic matters, it all happened gradually. The government at first consisted mainly of military personnel, with the exception of two ministries — justice and second... don't remember. But after two years, the situation has changed. The military reserved the five ministries, the rest have worked civil. Everywhere we attracted the youth. Young ideas. Old people we fired. We relied on young people because young people are idealists. And very important was that teams that were engaged in the economy, or working in ministries that were like minded. There had been no serious contradictions.

— How did You manage to resist the lobbying?

— We such phenomenon as lobbyism didn't know. The name for this phenomenon was known only in the US. We, Chileans, not like when someone comes into our business and we mind our own. Without lobbying we've brought foreigners companies that they had selected. In particular, we have paid their debt to Allende the USSR. I am convinced that the government, which operates under the influence or the pressure of trade unions and the capitalist factions that never progresses.

— Still, this is a unique case. How did You manage to maintain such consistency, because there were moments when it seemed that no results?

— Indeed, in 1975 we felt a little crisis. Some advised me to go back, but I said, "Horses in midstream does not change!" We survived this crisis and went on. I have consulted with our economists, and we decided to let the price of bread. I was told that people would starve, I replied that this would not happen. And it didn't happen. Subsequently, the price of bread dropped by themselves, which showed the correctness of our chosen path.

He was appointed one port Akinbo. And just out of it it was possible to export anything. All these measures contributed to the expansion of exports. Was prepared Decree No. 600, which provides the legal framework for foreign investors. At first not everything went smoothly, as economy Minister was a supporter of state regulation of economy. To replace him came Sergio de Castro, who modified this legislation and have perfected it.

— For Russia it is an important issue. It is fashionable to use foreign advisers. What is Your attitude towards the international financial institutions?

— It is very expensive they cost! We had such a good own advisors that the aliens didn't need to think. Was that the economist Friedman here at one time. But we his advice, fortunately, did not obey. The international monetary Fund we were much. So they always stuck spokes... the Paris club, IMF. All insisted that we must return to the system of state control. But we insisted on his line.

— Recently I was shown a research note on the arms trade. Cited classification of arm markets. One of the types of corruption. To him were attributed Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America, except Chile. How this was achieved — except for Chile? How did you manage to resist corruption, which corrodes the whole of Latin America?

— Our military tradition always requires honesty to the end. I recall one episode when we had sent our Admiral to England for he took the ship. He was given a check on which appeared a substantial sum owed to him as commissions. The officer saw that big check. He returned it with the words: "what I'm owed as a Commission, be kind to withdraw the cost of this ship".

— What do You see as the main success of the Chilean reform and its weak spot?

— Very good question. The most important of all my worries was the opening of the market. All of the Chilean products that could be sold, went for export. This is very important. Thanks to a fan of products that go for export, we were able to repay a significant portion of our external debt. Here is another example of our fruitful cooperation. I mean the construction of a road in southern Chile, which has enabled us to commence development of 170 thousand square kilometers of Chilean territory.

Currently, the regrettable are the attacks on our address accusations of human rights violations. We were not given the opportunity to respond, as our arguments in calculation were not accepted. Criticism of him was unfair. That's all I can say about it. We met in 1977 and defined the stages of transfer of power to civilians. Many demanded, especially policy that it should happen faster. I insisted it should go on as envisaged in the programme. Yes, we have executed this program. And power was handed over to civilians in 1990.

— What happened in Chile on September 11, was probably the first major defeat of communism in post-war history. The mid-seventies peak incarnation of the Communist idea. Then, twenty-five years ago, You expected I'd live to see the collapse of the whole Communist system?

— I'm a believer, and always asked the Lord to help me in this matter. After the fall of the Berlin wall — the symbol of the international Communist order collapsed all. And, of course, by natural laws in Russia itself, communism has disappeared as a mode. I always was sure that not all of Russia is impregnated with Communist ideology. There was a powerful Communist group that held the power in their hands. To fight it was dangerous.

— In Your opinion, communism has ceased to be a global phenomenon? It's radical for a local nature or it can be reborn?

I don't believe that communism as such was dead. Still there are people who believe that the Communist idea was defeated only because the people who were in power were corrupt, and that if you come to power, honest people, that the Communist idea can be reborn. Communism, to some extent, can be compared with religion. And in Russia exactly this problem. And only thanks to communism as a religion, he may again be reborn. We also have a small group of people that held such views, but their number may increase. I talked to people who previously belonged to the Communist ideology. Then they became Democrats. And now they again want to go back to Communist ideology. I ask — why?

They say that under the Communists they had a roof over my head, health, work, an opportunity to learn. That is, they had no problems, and now they can not secure a normal standard of living. Therefore, I believe that if the Democrats, who currently are at the head of the government, it will not show people how to use freedom to their advantage and the benefit of the state, then, of course, people will want to revert back.

Despite the fact that the Communist party of Chile are few, I wonder where she gets money to fight against us for human rights, and so on. This means that the Communists are still strong economically.

— Experience of each country is unique. However, something you can use. What the Chilean experience relevant, in Your opinion, today in Russia?

— The only thing I can say: during my reign the mass of young people had worked perfectly on the country's progress. After my departure they became entrepreneurs, managers. And they continue to work. This experience can be used in another country.

— Are You satisfied with Your country now? Do You not feel that, as they say in Russian, "For what struggled..."?

— All countries have a high and low point of development. Unfortunately, we are influenced by the Asian crisis. Financial performance on the stock exchange fell 35 %, but economic indicators are kept at a good height. Foreign investors continue to invest their capital. I still believe in Chile. I served his country sixty-five years. Now I continue to work, but in the Senate, and again work for their country.

I heard that leaving the post of President, You gave your employees a commemorative medal with the inscription "the mission statement" — "it's done". We have, unfortunately, made the case difficult to be proud of. Our reformers have a chance to write a book about how they were prevented to do reform and who it is guilty.

— Russia is a big country, and it is always possible to find a lot of fault...



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