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The ranks of "Russian extremists" had joined the Tsar Alexander III
Material posted: Publication date: 25-09-2012

The play of the slogan "Russia for the Russians" has become a amenable affair. The ranks of "Russian extremists" addition of a loud name – the Russian Emperor Alexander III (1845-1894). The Soviet district court of Ufa, reports the official site of Prosecutor's office of Bashkortostan has sentenced a local blogger "Ilya Mashkov" year of correctional labor with deduction of 10% of earnings in the state income.

For what? But for the fact that ufimets, you see, has posted on his page "Vkontakte" the Emperor's portrait with the caption "Russia for Russians and in Russian". Alexander III, Russian Emperor", and even accompanied is a picture of a man in a mask with a gun, signed with the same slogan.

Well, art with a gun "Mashkov" still it would be possible to somehow catch, however, Alexander III? About authentically known only by his following words: "Russia should belong to Russians, and whoever lives on this land must respect and appreciate this people." What is "extremism"?

However, recently detected a trend: the Russian classics, the Russophobes still do not dare to encroach, but for those who plays their opinion, arranged the prosecution in the notorious "Russian article" UK – 282.

A couple of years ago, for example, Russophobia is not pleased the great Russian artist-storyteller Viktor Vasnetsov with his textbook painting "the Meeting with Oleg magician" 1899. The fact that a reproduction of it reproduced on the cover of its brochure, "the wise men" writer Alexei Dobrovolsky. And "someone" (their names mean nothing because they are only executors of the order) appealed to the court to draw the author (as well as clear, and Vasnetsov, or rather his modern followers) for "inciting ethnic hatred".

And what the experts found the court to assess this "extremism" – and clearly non-core for this topic. We should read the conclusion of these Kirov "experts": "the Signs of manipulative psychological impact found in the brochure "wise men" that used verbal (word, speech) and nonverbal (nonverbal) means. To nonverbal manipulative influences include cover art "Magi", which depicts the old man, pointing to the detachment of soldiers direction (this is the painting by Vasnetsov. – Approx. KM.RU). The old man dressed in simple clothes: a long shirt, sandals, he just came out of the woods. In the description of the elder reads the image of the Gentile. Pointing gesture of the hand of the elder against the warriors shows his pavliani, the possession of a certain power over them. Proceeding from the assumption that the cover of the book expresses its key idea, we can make a conclusion about the intention of the author to povegliano, power over other people, focus on the fight".

Just think: the finger of the old man, pointing to the Russian soldiers on Jews-the Khazars, actually enthralled by that time many Russian territories, our "experts" interpreted as "poilevaya" (implying, of course, extremism)! And based on their "expert" opinions of our "most humane court in the world" makes a decision on bringing to 282 th ("Russian") article. Off, then, "extremist" Vasnetsov? And then Dostoevsky?..

Well, after this the Russian people, the genius of which will be relegated to the level of criminals, be made be nothing.

Meanwhile, the slogan "Russia for Russians" is not as unambiguous and simple as it sounds initially, and therefore deserves detailed analysis, wrote a few years ago in the pages of the "Russian line" Alexey Ivanov. Traditionally it is considered, he noted that the phrase "Russia for Russians" was first voiced in the reign of Emperor Alexander III. It is usually attributed either to the sovereign or the legendary General M. D. Skobelev, who allegedly voiced it in this form: "I Want to write on its banner: "Russia for Russians and in Russian" and raise this flag as high as possible!"

Anyway, Ivanov has noted, it is important to note that in its original sense, the epoch of the reign of Emperor Alexander III, this slogan, as rightly noted modern philosopher M. Y. Chernavsky, meant "not "Russia only for Russians", but "Russia relying on Russian". Developing this idea further, we can conclude that in the late XIX century in this slogan put the following sense: since the Russian state is the people, the titular nation of the Russian Empire, and the state therefore should be build in Russian on the basis of our national idea, brilliantly formulated by count S. S. Uvarov "Orthodoxy. The autocracy. Nation". While "English" doesn't mean "in favor of the Russians", but rather, were laid upon the Russian people voluntarily taken responsibility for the fate of Russia and its peoples.

It is no secret, Ivanov continues, that the national question in the Russian conservative concept always or almost always been closely related to religious issue. Therefore, as rightly pointed out by the modern researcher A. V. Repnikov, "it is no coincidence that European thinkers have approached the history of Russia, sometimes had the impression that the notion of "Russian" identical to the concept "Orthodox".

By the same, Ivanov notes that "the Orthodoxy" in the works of Russian conservators in the late nineteenth century clearly prevailed over the "Russianness", although this does not mean that their attitude towards the nationality state of the people was even more disrespectful and dismissive. Just for the sake of state unity – the integrity of the Russian Empire – the conservatives of the late nineteenth century were ready to push Russian nationalism on the backburner, giving primacy to the Orthodox religion.

Very indicative in this respect the words of the eminent philosopher K. N. Leontiev: "the Russian Kingdom, inhabited by Orthodox Germans, poles, Orthodox, Orthodox Tatars and even some of the Orthodox Jews, the numerical dominance of Orthodox Russians, and Russian tsardom consisting in excess of indigenous Russian, many obtusely Protestants, Catholics obtusely, obtusely Tatars and Jews. The first is creation, second is the destruction". Is it not true today resound the words of the great Russian thinker: "What is a tribe without its religious and government ideas? For what to love? For the blood? But blood after all... no one is clean... And what is pure blood? Infertility spiritual!... Love tribe a tribe is a stretch and a lie. (...) Who is a notorious radical, i.e. the destroyer, the let loves pure tribal national idea!" "Orthodox Autocracy is the main distinctive feature of Russian nationality in the past and the present, – Leontev considered. – It was the Orthodox Autocracy, and not just Autocracy, and not just Orthodoxy."

However, in the early twentieth century, much has changed, says Ivanov: the ideology of Russian nationalism, previously perceived as purely Western, was confident to win the sympathy of the Russian right. And then the slogan "Russia for Russians" was adopted by the majority of Russian conservative thinkers and proudly raised the flags of the monarchist parties and unions. "Russia – for Russians" is the slogan of the Russian Monarchist party, clearly understanding that allowing Russia to the Gentiles, the Gentiles and foreigners, not only in Russia is not Autocratic Monarchy, but there will be Russia itself," – wrote in one of articles a prominent Russian publicist, editor of the conservative "Moscow Vedomosti" (as is commonly believed, in this edition, after a long pause, in the summer of 1905 appeared again this slogan) and organizer of the Russian monarchist party V. A. Gringmut.

Here it should be noted, Ivanov continues, that if the conservatives-traditionalists of the late XIX century, as well as for the black hundreds of the early twentieth century, the concept of "Russian" and "Orthodox" were inextricably linked, among the nationalists, balansirovka on the brink between conservatism and liberalism on this issue have already met some difference of opinion. Some of them continued to adhere to traditional views. "Without Christianity there is no Russian people in cultural and national meaning of this word" – said the member of the Main Committee of the SPA, count V. A. Bobrinsky. "Russian people, expressed a similar view, one of the leaders of the Kiev club of Russian nationalists A. I. Savenko, is designed so that if it ceases to be Orthodox, he ceases to be Russian". However, some of their party members have made in this matter to revise. "Orthodox Christianity is the distinctive feature of the Russian people, but (...) the coincidence of the notions "Russian" and "Orthodox" is just a General rule with exceptions", he is a member of the faction of nationalists D. N. Chikhachev. And V. V. Shulgin and P. A. Kulakovsky went into this issue even further, believing that religion in General "is not a nationality", that Russian people not only can be Orthodox, old believers and Lutherans, and even the Belarusians-Catholics "must be recognized by the Russians."

Despite the almost total fascination with the slogan "Russia for Russian" right-wing figures in the beginning of XX century (as the black hundred and the nationalists), individual voices critical of this notion from the ranks of the Russian conservatives still sounded during this period. So, a prominent Moscow monarchist S. F. Sharapov, for example, wrote: "Our motto is not "Russia for Russians!", and "Holy Russia!", and "Holy" we have the right to call only because its main idea is the implementation of our abilities, the love and truth of God on the earth, humble and selfless service to all humanity, the protection of all the oppressed and weak, in short, a feasible implementation of Christian politics". And publicist V. Stroganov, and is called the slogan "Russia for Russians" ridiculous, noting: "Either we must abandon the slogan "Russia for Russians" or obruchalnoe policy, so as to combine both as absurd as to put out the fire with kerosene".

But the most reasoned criticism of this postulate of Russian nationalism gave the member of the Main Board of the Russian national Union of Archangel Michael, the Deputy of the faction of the extreme right III and IV State Dumas the hundreds G. A. Shechkov. "Russia for Russians", – he wrote, ' here a walking the floor, General location, ready seems to be the motto of our nationalists. This is supposedly an obvious point almost all tend to take for granted today... (this) would not be worth to say, if it was limited to the circle of supporters of the European nacionalnega formulaic, but "Russia for Russians" proclaims by the mouth of the engines of our identity. This cry of nationalist separatism vykruchivatsya wrestlers of our unity. There is, obviously, an unfortunate misunderstanding".

Further, Sachkov noted that, firstly, this slogan is not distinctive, but only "shard slave" known formulas "England for the English, Germany for Germans", etc., and secondly, it is fraught with the danger of destruction of the Russian Empire. "No, Russia is not for Russians (sic) if we don't want within the Jewish pale of settlement it was hoped ostensibly designed to serve only for the Jews, and within the Armenian and Armenians, etc. ( ... ) Russia is for Orthodox! – he exclaimed. – We don't want to blood bond: our first spiritual connection. We are primarily Orthodox, the Russians, the Georgians, malorosy, Moldovans, Lithuanians, Belarusians, etc."

Summing up this brief review of the relationship of the right to the slogan "Russia for Russians", the author notes, it is necessary to make a number of important observations. First, in ideological constructions of the black hundreds, the slogan "Russia for the Russians" played, of course, important but not a dominant role, taking the corresponding third place in the triad "Orthodoxy. The autocracy. Nation". The principle of blood, as rightly observes historian A. V. Repnikov, meant for Russian conservatives significantly less than the religious principle, although the Russian people as the bearer of true Orthodoxy, they were assigned the leading position in the Russian Empire.

Somewhat differently treated him Russian nationalists, often artificially vytaskivanii nation in the first place, to the detriment of Orthodoxy and autocracy, which many of them (but not all), was understood as a religion and form of government that is most appropriate to the mentality of the Russian people, and therefore the best for him in this historical period. Such logic, of course, led to the fact that in different historical period of the Russian people, for example, you may find the "most suitable" and another form of government, which, of course, was fundamentally unacceptable for the black hundreds. But the nationalists never gave the slogan "Russia for Russians" chauvinistic aggressive sound. In almost all interpretations of this postulate, right-wing and nationalists held the idea that "Russia is for Russians" does not imply that non-Russians in Russia should not be place, and the fact that the Russian people should be created in the state by the people-the owner, to use the special rights and watch out for the good of all "residents" order in your "home".

Secondly, the author notes, it is impossible not to recognize that the term "Russian" was interpreted by the black hundred and the nationalists pretty extensively. Under the Russians, except the Russians, right-wing always meant the Belarusians and little Russians; and Russified non-Russians, true to the Uvarov triad, despite their clearly non-Russian last name, was perceived as right-wing as "truly Russian people". However, those by the Russian-born people who had lost basic, from the point of view of the right inherent in the Russian people of quality, had ceased to be Russian. "(When) I say that Milyukov was a Jew, said count V. A. Bobrinsky, I positively are not specified. I believe that was more accurate and powerful words of a member of the Duma Purishkevich (one of the leaders of the extreme right), when he declared: "you Can be von Anrep and Russian, can be milyukovs and Jew".

Thirdly, it is important to note, Ivanov continues, that in addition to internal orientation of the slogan "Russia for the Russians" had and other content, "meaning that the Russian people must develop their vast country, to populate deserted lands in Russia and to think about themselves and not about the liberation of the Slavs from the Turks and Germans, sacrificing blood and sweat for the birth of new small States that are potentially ready to become hostile to Russia". However, it is worth noting that in this sense the Orthodox meaning of the slogan "Russia for Russians" is somewhat blurred.

Ivan Gladilin


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