War can be interpreted as a collision of complex adaptive systems for the description of which the paradigm of non-linearity is used. Formation of complex thinking and science of complexity allows supplementing traditional analytical basis of a military science with non-linear methodologies. The multi-scale analysis of complex systems, which is based on complexity profile, allows us to understand how the scale and complexity are interconnected. The multi-scale analysis of complex systems, providing formal approach to the conflict, gives an opportunity to estimate capabilities and restrictions of the operational strength and organizational structure of the armed forces and provides ground for understanding net-centric and network organizational forms. The issue of distributed coordination, commanding and managing the armed forces of sticking to the principle of hierarchy becomes of critical importance.

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Recently the CSTO has been positioned as an efficient military and political organization which is an important factor of sustaining stability on post-Soviet space, including healthy state of national economies. The Republic of Armenia, which has diversified ties with the Russian Federation, is blockaded by Azerbaijan and NATO member Turkey. Annual cripple caused by this blockade is estimated at almost $1.5 billion. Economic schemes, elaborated over the years of blockade, as well as the idea of creation of free economic area on the territory of “Mars” plant, cannot disguise negative dynamics of economic development, including factual down time of a number of enterprises which were passed under the jurisdiction of Russia in the mid 2000th.

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Army has always played prominent part in the history of Turkey, whether that was coping with problems with neighboring countries or suppression of uprisings and a chain of janissary revolts or conspiracies, which often brought to dethronement of sultans. During the military coups committed by the Turkish army throughout the 20th century it received relied on the support of the society, the only existing party or an entire party system and business circles. Now it receives limited support of the part of the society which adhere secular views and a number of second - or third-rate parties which cannot compete with JDP. Today the army of Turkey conducts rearguard actions in the retreat – in order to save its face and not to capitulate to the Islamic revolution – haggling at the same time for privileges, ranks and post. On the other hand the Turkish generals realize the benefits they can receive from broader use of military power in support of the foreign policy of Turkey, which becomes more active and aggressive at the same time, and possible dividends from its new place in pan-Turkic and even broader pan-Islamic military and technical and military and political cooperation. And neo-Young Turks need the army “of their own” – the one Mustafa Kemal had.

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The Caucasus takes an important place in the world geopolitics and it is a region which is connected in a variety of ways with Middle East and Central Asia, northern Caspian Sea region, Volga region and other regions of Russia, Crimea and Donbas. The latter two regions are also of big geopolitical significance and a number of countries try to align cooperation and thus prove their geopolitical presence there. The People's Republic of China also carries out the eager policy in these regions. The Krasnodar Territory which geographically almost adjoins Crimea and the Rostov Region which has close ties with Donbas are of special importance. Establishing a relationship with these regions of the Celestial Empire mends its fences in north-eastern Caspian Sea region and in the Azov Sea region. Development of the relations with the aforementioned regions also generally fits geopolitical strategy of the PRC in the Black Sea water area.

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In the article, the author sums up the results of the research on "power of publicity" and explains the relative prevalence of scientific terms of linguistics and semiotics in the research, answers the question on attribution of the research to this or that scientific field (linguistics or political science?). It's underlined that the object of study in the research is the language of power (but) exclusively in the contexts where the language is the guide of functions of the institute of power to the sphere of its public realization, i.e. where the statics of the language turns into dynamics of functioning of activity of power. That is why the research, as the author states, bears exclusively the character of political science as it is focused only on investigating the institute of power, one of its constitutive functions; studying the institute of power in one of its imminent and periodically repeated states. And it is very hard to conceive of the description of communicative structure and infrastructure of any institute without using linguistic terms. Besides, in terms of scientific results, the work (as the author notes) can hardly be of special value for linguistics and semiotics. Absolutely all the conclusions and new scientific facts concern political institutions and touch upon institutional political processes.

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Political violence is episodic in the history of most organized political entities and chronic in many other societies. None of the countries of the contemporary world has been delivered from it over a period of more than one generation. But it is not an inescapable manifestation of a human nature and inevitable cause of existence of political entity. It is rather a kind of specific response to special conditions of social being. It is rather about capabilities than their people possess needs that cause violence, which is biologically inherent in people. Propensity for political violence depends on how rude the society violates expectations of people concerning goals and means of their actions in the sense they expect it from their society. The scale of political violence is formed firstly by the level of ability of the authorities to eliminate discontent within the framework of conventional forms of political involvement and the organizational abilities of the opposition to violence attach to their actions. Here the connection between individual factors of motivation and structural factors is of great importance. But in order to understand connections between individual factors of motivation and structural factors we should first study out some peculiarities of social psychology of political aggression.

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Old forms of communication between both intrastate and governmental structures and public organizations do not fully provide constructive, balanced relations and processes under current conditions. Any stern, propagandistic, not forecasted by its public orientation, unsupported by the complexity of actions influence on the society in order to solve any political issue, as a rule, causes rejection reaction, creates grounds for increasing distrust, suspiciousness, rumor spreading, or even rapture of the communication ties between state and population, state and business elite. As a result an acute need of correlation of symmetrical flows of information and secure functioning of the political mechanisms of GR comes forward. All the aforementioned problems condition the topicality of the topic studied. The article considers some problems of political system GR amid the modernization of the information security of the Republic of Armenia; their notion is revealed and the problems under the infogene threats of functioning of state power are exposed; a separate analysis of tripartistic system as a basic category of political GR functioning is carried out; the criteria and general directions of post-democracy development in the context of overcoming the outlines of modernization of the information security of the Republic of Armenia are specified and substantiated.

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