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Comparative analysis of national policies of the Baltic States
Material posted: Publication date: 31-10-2016

The Baltic States in modern post-Communist space is largely unique region. The Baltic Republic was not only one of the first who started the process of obtaining a full release from the USSR in the period of the end of Perestroika, but also they unlike other post-Soviet States immediately clearly decide his future political course and orientation. All three of the Republic from the very beginning of the proclamation of its independence and secession from the Soviet Union headed for a reunion with the Western world – to join the EU and NATO, proclaiming that the main objective of their policies, both external and internal, the slogan "Back to Europe!" in many ways reflects the mood that dominate the political classes of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.

Such a rigid and one-sided orientation to the West, which ultimately led to the accession of all three Baltic States into the EU and NATO in 2004, basically initially brought them from the emerging post-Soviet (Eurasian) region. In addition, this situation has led the Baltic States to build very specific, "cold confrontational" relations with Russia.[1]Problems in relations between Russia and the Baltic States very much from the General course of these countries to full participation in any regional integration associations under the Russian auspices, the accession of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia to NATO and permanent pedalirovanija their theme of Russian threat to increase military contingent of NATO and the supply of arms and military equipment programme of mutual aid Alliance of three Baltic countries is also extremely irritating factors in their relations with Moscow.

Within the EU the Baltic States are also the most alarmist configured in the relations of relations EU-Russia and EU policies towards the post-Soviet States, primarily in the European part of the former Soviet Union – Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus.

However, one of the most sensitive issues in relations between Russia and Baltic countries is the attitude of the political elites of these States to the Soviet past and heritage formation in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia occupying the so-called doctrines, but also directly related to the national question, which is expressed primarily in the restriction and infringement of the rights of national minorities on the territory of three republics. Speaking about the problem of minorities in the Baltic States mainly consider the problems associated with the Russian-speaking population of these countries, as the Russian-speaking represent the main population in the minority, although it is worth noting that in the Baltic there are other problematic minorities, such as poles in Lithuania (concentrated mainly in the Vilna region), which also regularly complain of discrimination and harassment on the part of the Central Lithuanian government.

The national question in the Baltic States is not only an irritant in their relations with Russia, but also significantly affects the formation of the model of statehood in the Baltic republics: on the political, economic, social and other spheres of life of the societies of these countries.

The national question in the Baltic States during the period of their stay in the USSR

The Soviet legacy of the Baltic States as other former Soviet republics (despite the fact that Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia joined the Union much later than other in 1940, and in fact a complete Sovietization there could begin only after the liberation from German occupation in 1944), is largely the determining factor that sets the basic prerequisites of political-social and economic development.

With regard to the problem of the national question and national politics of the modern Baltic republics studying the Soviet period of existence of these countries is very important in the context of two interrelated aspects. First, it is necessary to review directly the Soviet national policy in the Baltic States in the period of the Soviet Union, issues of migration and changes in the national composition of the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian SSR.

Second, in the context of the Soviet past in the Baltic countries also important is the analysis of the so-called occupation of the doctrine developed in the States of the region in relation to the Soviet past. This problem is important not only in the context of the analysis of relations between Russia and the Baltic countries, but also has a direct impact on national policies conducted by them at the present stage against the Russian-speaking population, most of whom arrived in the Republic in Soviet – in the terminology of modern political lexicon of Baltic "occupation" period of the existence of these States.

It should be noted that in General around these problems in the societies of the Baltic republics, there is a consensus that as a serious impediment to a constructive discussion and consideration of the specified problems, and practical political progress in the sphere of ensuring the rights of minorities in these countries.

The Baltic States are small countries, where the issues of preservation of national and cultural identity even in conditions of independence are not just an ordinary issue national political agenda, and included in the category of national security and the survival of the state. All this leads to a high degree of idealization and mythologization of the national question in the Baltic countries, which is reflected in particular in the desire of the political class in particular in Latvia and Estonia, to present all the Russian-speaking Diaspora as a completely alien population. While it is clear that the historical evidence suggests otherwise: the Russian population in the Baltic States lived long before the formation of independent Baltic States, for example, on the territory of modern Latvia was home to a large number of old believers in Estonia and also in spite of the small share of Russian population in the Russian Empire were distributed to the Russian-Estonian bilingualism.[2] a Number of Estonian cities, as Tartu was originally founded by the Russians (the original name of the city, St. George: it was founded in 1030 by Yaroslav the Wise).

In the pre-Soviet period, the total proportion of the Russian-speaking population in the Baltic countries accounted for about 10% of the total, at what this social group is characterized in that unlike immigrants in the later Soviet period immigrants has been much more westernized, knew the language and culture of the Baltic peoples, moreover many of them were subjected to repression, in particular, the mass deportations – a number of researchers, such as R. H. Simonyan generally point to the fact that sometimes the brunt of repression fell just on the Russian intelligentsia of the Baltic States.[3]

However, a major influx of Russians and Russian speakers occurred in the Baltic States during the Soviet period, but rather after the great Patriotic war, when the Central Union leadership's freed up resources to begin a full Sovietization of the Baltic States. Throughout the Soviet period, the proportion of Russians and Russian speakers in the overall balance of the population of the three countries has grown steadily, although it is worth noting significant differences in demographic change between the individual Baltic States. Statistics show that, for example, in Estonia the share of Russian population rose to 30% by the time of the Soviet collapse in 1991, although in 1934 it was only 5%.[4] the Share of Russian-speaking Latvia also grew rapidly throughout the Soviet period, which was particularly pronounced in the large industrial centres, to illustrate the proportion of ethnic Latvians of the total population of Riga has decreased from 63% in the pre-Soviet period to 36% in 1991[5] And the total proportion of non-Latvian population of the Republic at the time of withdrawing from the Union was 48%.[6]

On the background of Latvia and Estonia, the situation with the increase in the share of Russian-speaking population in Lithuania looked more stable: according to the last Federal census, the share of ethnic non-Lithuanians in the Republic fluctuated around 20%.[7]

Such a sharp increase in the number of Russian in the Soviet Baltic republics may be attributed to a number of reasons, both economic and socio-political nature. Economically speaking it is worth noting that the Sovietization of the Baltic States and the economy of the republics on the Soviet rails were accompanied not only by collectivization in the countryside, but the active phase of industrialization, the industrial economy, which has not been completed in these countries in the 30-ies in the period of power of authoritarian dictatorships.

It is worth noting that the Baltic republics were considered the Soviet Union as a kind of showcase of the Western country, designed to demonstrate the achievements and successes of the existing economic system, moreover it is the Baltic States became a testing ground for economic experiments on self-financing and self-sufficiency.[8] of Course, for the establishment of the economic potential of this level needed the help of the Federal centre not only in funding, but also engaging with experts and workers for construction and service enterprises and other industrial facilities. The difficulty of attracting local workers lies in the fact that a significant part of the population continued to lead a rural lifestyle, and that the unstable political situation of mass repressions and deportations of the local population are sometimes very reluctant to respond to Soviet economic initiatives, it is worth mentioning at least an active insurgency of the so-called "forest brothers" operated in the Baltic until the mid 50-ies.

In addition to the Russian-speaking population, which was moved to the Baltic States for the construction of factories, infrastructure and energy, many of the displaced persons was presented to the party-nomenklatura workers, and also employees of power structures and military officers. The need to attract this kind of personnel were dictated, as mentioned above, the unstable political situation in the republics, the presence of active armed underground, the unwillingness of a considerable part of the population, especially in rural areas to active Sovietization, which for farmers was expressed primarily in the collectivization of agriculture.

It is important to note that the attraction of this kind of specialists on the party work and party building in the interests of the local Baltic elites and often was conducted by the Central Union leadership, it is signal. Despite the fact that modern political and ideological thought of the Baltic States is typical to associate the Sovietization of the region, exclusively with the Imperial ambitions of the occupation of Moscow, a number of researchers, in particular, Professor Ph. D., Zubkov E. Yu., convincingly demonstrated that the local Communist elite had a vested interest in the support of the Federal centre, including the staffing question – "creating the social base of the Communist regime became thus one of the main problems of the Republican authorities".[9]

However, as mentioned above, the issue of influx of labor from other republics of the Union between the Baltic States had serious differences, which again indicates the possibility of a political maneuver for the Baltic elites, whether they have a certain autonomy in local issues, in particular migration issues. A typical example here demonstrates Lithuania, whose leadership headed by A. Snechkus has consistently pursued a national policy aimed at reducing the possible number of arriving to the Republic of immigrants. It is necessary to mention such a key to this regulatory act, as the Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR "On the development of small cities of the Republic", 1956, under which substantially restricted the construction on the territory of Lithuania objects of national importance especially in large cities, which in turn reduced the inflow of workers from other Soviet republics, the so-called players.[10] ultimately pursued by the authorities of Soviet Lithuania's national policy has led to the lack in the Republic of significant demographic imbalances, unlike Latvia and Estonia, which enabled Lithuania at the time of exit from the USSR to conduct a much more lenient national policy, in particular on the issue of citizenship. The country had adopted the famous "zero option" that the nationality of the newly independent Lithuania was granted to all inhabitants of the country.

The lack of such an adequate policy on the part of Soviet leaders of Latvia and Estonia has led not only to the ethno-demographic imbalance in the country as a whole, but also to the territorial imbalances where, for example, in Latvia, a significant proportion of Russian-speaking population was concentrated in large cities (especially in Riga), together with a significant proportion of industrial enterprises.

Speaking on the national question in the Baltic republics in the USSR, it is impossible to ignore and the national policy of the Central Union leadership. Here you can face with a peculiar paradox: on the one hand, representatives of almost all former Soviet republics, which became sovereign States, especially the Baltic States, do not miss the opportunity to criticize the Soviet system as a "prison of peoples" where the national margin oppressed and exploited in favor of the center. In the Baltic States, which in addition has experienced more in fact enforced (de facto but not de jure) the inclusion in the USSR such installations have become part of a new ideology, and occupation doctrine is rightly considered by many researchers as one of the foundations of modern statehood of these countries.

On the other hand, in reality, Soviet nationality policy had a certain ambivalence: in the Soviet Union, increased attention was paid to the development of national culture and national identity in the Union republics and national autonomies within the republics, the efforts of the Soviet Union was in particular created funds of national libraries in local languages, etc. an Important role in the Soviet national strategy played indigenization policy consisting essentially positive discrimination – the promotion to leadership posts in the Union republics, representatives of the titular ethnic groups. In fact, it is the policy of indigenization resulted in the fact that in the conditions of crisis of the Soviet system, ethnic values in the national republics inevitably prevailed over the Union, which led to a rapid reorientation of the national elites, in particular in the Baltic States, from Soviet nomenklatura policies on the goal of achieving national independence.[11] In terms of economic development of the national republics and autonomies were also given priority in accordance with the Federal law on the budget of the USSR in the first decade after the war, the Federation was left in your budget only 50% of revenues, Ukraine and Belarus at 55% and the rest national of the Federal Republic at 100% and still received subsidies from the Federal budget.[12]

At the same time, Soviet leaders realized the impossibility of maintaining a unified state with a constant emphasis on national differences, in the end, this resulted in an attempt to create one supra-national community – the Soviet people, what value base of the community in fact was the values of the Russian population, which was perceived by the society and the elite of the Baltic States as an attempt of Russification and assimilation of their peoples.

Speaking on the assessment of Baltic elites of the Soviet heritage and their relationship to the national question should be taken into account the fact that Latvians, Estonians and Lithuanians are small peoples, with all the ensuing consequences. As throughout its history, surrounded by larger Nations, which controlled the Baltic land from smaller Nations had no path to national self-preservation but by very reverent attitude to the national culture and traditions, and the core of culture is the national language and at the same time active acceptance of foreign influence: this is largely confirmed by the fact that being part of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union the majority of the population of the Baltic countries are not assimilated with the Russians, have preserved their language and culture.

In this context, the active migration of the Russian population in these countries than when matched with the forced incorporation of the Baltic republics into the Soviet Union naturally strengthened the fears of local elites on the issue of the possible extinction of the people of these republics as separate ethnic groups is not only due to the loss of political independence, but also because of the drastic changes of the demographic situation in the country. In this regard, national policies naturally came to the leadership of the Baltic States from the category of ordinary questions of internal life of the countries in rank problems, which ultimately depends on not only national security, but and preservation of the nation itself.

That is why the occupation doctrine, allowing the country to actively exploit the idea of small oppressed Nations and at the same time ignore the rights and legitimate interests of national minorities, received such a distribution in the environment of the political class Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. And, like any other political myth occupation doctrine does not strongly suffers from the fact that many prominent researchers and scientists, both Russian and foreign many times pointed out the incorrect use of the term "occupation" in principle.[13] In this case occupation the myth helps to ensure the legitimacy of existing in the Baltic States to date, regimes, actively used in the political struggle within the States where this doctrine is very successfully operated by right-wing politicians and parties.[14]

Thus, we can say that the Soviet period is the starting point of the formation, first, the demographic face of modern Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, secondly, it is on the exploitation of its heritage (albeit in a negative sense) is the state national policy in these countries today.

A modern national policy in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia

The Baltic republics were pioneers in the process of leaving the USSR and the proclamation of the sovereign States. However, unlike most other Soviet republics, the situation with the proclamation of independence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia had a number of fundamental differences. The main difference is that the three Baltic States before becoming a part of the Soviet Union had a full, though not long, the experience of independent existence.

In addition, the process of joining the Union and subsequent Sovietization in fact was violent: it doesn't matter fundamentally correct or not the use of the term "occupation" to the process of incorporating the Baltic States into the Soviet Union, it is important that such actions by the Soviet Union caused a clearly negative reaction of a large part of the population of these countries, which only intensified after the start of mass repressions and deportations.

In the end, a significant portion of the local population of these republics after a relatively long period until the beginning of Perestroika and the crisis in the Soviet Union continued to consider the Soviet state as rather unfriendly and did not show him much loyalty. The same installation is shared and the Republican elite, which was formed, as in other Soviet republics at the party-nomenklatura type, due to the indigenization policy has kept many ethnically local personnel to its management team, which enabled them very quickly to shift from socialist to nationalist agenda. However, it is worth noting that similar metamorphoses of the Republican elites occurred in other Soviet republics, one of the most striking examples of this is Ukraine.

Based on this, the leadership of the Soviet Baltic republics in the process of independence for the Foundation was to take the principle of the concept of continuity, that is, the restoration of statehood. That is, proclaimed not the creation of new independent States, and the restoration of the old pre-Soviet state formations, which from the point of view of the principle of restitution of all time of existence of the Soviet regime in the Baltic States existed de jure, not de facto.

Characteristic are the names of the corresponding declarative documents adopted in the Baltic States in that time. So March 11, 1990 Lithuania adopted the Act of restoration of independent Lithuanian state. 4 may 1990 the Supreme Soviet of the Latvian SSR adopted the Declaration "On restoration of independence of the Republic of Latvia". In addition to declarations of statehood in the Baltic republics tried as fashionable rather to consolidate the main provisions of the occupational doctrine in official documents and legislation. For example, the resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the Estonian SSR from March 30, 1990 "On the status of the Estonian state," straight text declared that "the Occupation of the Estonian Republic by the USSR on 17 June 1940, not ceased to exist, the Republic of Estonia de jure. The territory of the Republic of Estonia occupied to this day."[15]

In the already mentioned Declaration of the Supreme Soviet of the Latvian SSR, in particular, proclaimed that the elimination of the independent Latvian Republic in 1940 occurred "as a result of the military aggression of the USSR."[16]

The principle of continuity and the emphasis on the illegal inclusion and being a part of the USSR Baltic republics were used by political elites in these countries in order to as quickly as possible to break with the Soviet legacy and to independence, in addition to this such a tough anti-Soviet, and in fact anti-Russian rhetoric was intended initially to put a cross on possible Russian ambitions in the region and prevent the growth of Russian influence, and provide the Baltic States integration into the Western economic structures and security structures.

This step had far-reaching consequences for all spheres of life of the Baltic societies, as in fact put beyond the law to the new States all the time, what happened in them during the Soviet period, most significantly this has impacted on the national question and the problem of citizenship in the Baltic States.

Based on the fact that the principle of restitution is supposed to complete statutory return to the pre-Soviet reality, this meant, and restore the pre-Soviet body of citizens. From the point of view of the principle of continuity, if the data state is REM really existed (albeit de jure), and the right to citizenship they have only those residents who lived in the territory of these States in the period prior to their incorporation into the Soviet Union and their descendants. This approach is the obvious way to help the Baltic elites to address the main question in the case of the restoration of independence is to limit the rights of the Russian-speaking population in the Baltic countries, which would be a serious impediment to possible restoration of Russia's influence in them, and would prevent the threat to the existence of the small Baltic peoples and their culture, language – in the words of P. järve, the policy was intended "to prevent minoritatii ... nation on their traditional territory."[17]

However, an important factor in the implementation of specific policies of the national question and citizenship was discussed in Chapter I, the percentage of minorities, primarily Russian speakers in the total population of these countries.

For Lithuania, where the share of ethnic non-Lithuanians were relatively low, the political leadership could afford even under the harsh anti-Soviet rhetoric to allow citizenship to all former residents of the Lithuanian SSR - thus, in Lithuania was implemented so-called "zero option", a situation where a significant part of the population turned out in the end without citizenship arose.

The situation in Latvia and Estonia, based on the national composition at the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union was much less successful for the indigenous ethnic group. In this regard, the Latvian and Estonian politicians have gone the way of granting citizenship in strict compliance with the principle of restitution, that is, the provision only persons who lived in the republics before their accession to the Soviet Union and their descendants.

For example, in Latvia, a law was passed on 15 October 1991 "On restoration of rights of citizens of the Republic of Latvia and fundamental principles of naturalisation", according to which the right to receive Latvian citizenship of persons who were citizens of Latvia on 17 June 1940 and descendants of these persons to the other was introduced the procedure of naturalization, which was the control of knowledge of the language and basic provisions of the Constitution.[18]

In addition, the special law of Latvia introduced a unique Institute "non-citizens of Latvia" - a category of persons not priznavali Latvian legislator stateless, the law stated that Latvia has legal contact with "aliens" because of this, for example, individuals in this category cannot be deprived of this status due to their permanent residence on the territory of another state, unless they have obtained citizenship of that state.[19]

In Estonia according to the law of 8 July 1993 of a person who was granted Estonian citizenship, have received the status of foreigner, in this case, if these persons had permanent residence on the territory of the Estonian SSR as of 1 July 1990, that such persons were guaranteed the right to obtain a residence permit and a work permit – in fact, this procedure is entered for former Soviet citizens of the ESSR, non-native Estonians, was an analogue of the legalization procedure of illegal immigrants.[20]thus, the Estonian leadership once again confirmed the status of illegal arrival and stay of these people in the country during the Soviet period.

Such measures may have citizenship in the future in the very difficult process of naturalization in Latvia and Estonia pursued the goal to completely break away from the Soviet past and heritage, but also try to change the demographic balance in favor of the ethnically indigenous population of the republics. These national policies were designed, on the one hand, assimilation of the Russian-speaking population through the naturalization process and by limiting the teaching and use of the Russian language, primarily in the public sphere (for example, the closure and limitations of local media in the Russian language).

On the other hand, such a radical and openly discriminatory towards the Russian minority action was a stimulus to emigration of the Soviet migrants in other countries, primarily to Russia. It is worth noting that the governments of Latvia and Estonia has been made in this direction, some success, some group of Russian-speaking population in these countries is almost entirely left them and went to Russia during 90-ies.

For example, by the mid-90s, the Baltic States had completely left the soldiers of the former Soviet army, as well as their family members living in the country (this group according to various estimates accounted for about 13-15% of the total number of the entire Russian-speaking community of the Baltic States); in addition, the Baltic States left a significant portion of people who formed a category of so-called working intelligentsia – highly skilled workers of large industrial enterprises, engineers, Junior technical staff etc. (this group was up to 10% of the total number of Russian-speaking minorities).[21]

The departure of highly skilled industrial workers was primarily due to the privatization processes in the economy, which occurred with a simultaneous reorientation to Western markets that did much of the industrial Soviet infrastructure is simply not needed. Large-scale deindustrialization of the economies of the Baltic States, although a serious blow to their economic potential, provided an opportunity for right populist parties and politicians to say that such measures will allow their countries to get rid of the alien (ethnically alien) labor, i.e., these events were interpreted by the elites of the Baltic States, including in the context of solving the national question.[22]

Thus, the modern political regime in Latvia and Estonia, on the basis of its national policy, rightly defined by many researchers through the concept of "ethnocracy" or ethnic democracy, when along with building a modern democratic society by Western standards real political rights in a given society have generally only representatives of the titular ethnic groups.

The situation in Lithuania has a number of differences, which is mentioned above, in particular the issue of granting citizenship to all inhabitants of the Republic, however, the national policy of Lithuania also has a number discriminatory against ethnic minorities hell. With regard to Lithuania, it is worth noting that the national question there affects not only the Russians, but the Polish population, which is about 6% of Lithuania's population.[23]

In particular, in Lithuania there are significant restrictions on the ability of education in the languages of national minorities, Lithuanian officials do not hide the openly discriminatory policies of the government in relation to small ethnic groups. For example, in relation to the Polish minority, the Minister of foreign Affairs of Lithuania stated that "whoever calls on young people (in Lithuania) to learn Polish, has a "disservice". It deprives their competitiveness in the labour market, since such people are unable to take a position above assistant in construction".[24]

Thus, it can be stated that despite several distinctive features, all three Baltic States today continue to rely on rigid policies to support the titular ethnic groups on the national question. Despite the fact that there is a definite trend in the weakening of discriminatory measures against minorities in the near future we can hardly expect a radical change in the underlying attitudes of the political classes of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia in relation to the national question. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that as a result of joining the EU, on the one hand, and massive economic crisis that struck the Baltic States in 2009, on the other, today there is a trend to mass emigration of ethnic Latvians, Lithuanians, Estonians in other European countries and also the USA. In this context, the problem of the survival of small Nations of the Baltic States once again is relevant, which gives right-wing politicians the opportunity to speculate on the national issue in the context of your own – someone else in relation to national minorities in these States.

Bibliography

Literature and sources in Russian language

  1. Balmasov S. Lithuania likened the poles to the Russian. // IO, "True. RU" [Electronic resource] URL http://www.pravda.ru/world/formerussr/latvia/07-11-2010/1054780-warshava-0/ (date last accessed - 15.04.2016).
  2. Vorotnikov, V. V. the Foreign policy of the Baltic States in the beginning of the XXI century: scientific edition/ V. V. Vorotnikov — M.: Publishing house "Aspekt Press", 2015. — 272.
  3. Zubkova E. J. the Baltic States and the Kremlin. M.: ROSSPEN, 2008. — 353 c.
  4. Poleshchuk, V. V., Dimitrov A. S. Continuity as the basis of statehood and ethno-politics in Latvia and Estonia // the Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 64-90)
  5. Poleshchuk V. V. Russians in the Baltic political and public discourse of Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 24-39)
  6. Simonyan R. H., kochegarova T. M. the Russian-speaking population in the Baltic States // Bulletin of MGIMO University No. 3 / 2010. S. 60-77.
  7. Simonyan R. H., lectures on the history and Ethnology of Lithuania / R. H. Simonyan. – M.: ZAO Publishing house "Aspekt Press", 2013. – 256 p.
  8. Simonyan R. H. the doctrine of Occupation in the Baltic States: substantive and legal aspects // the State and law. 2011. No. 11, pp. 106-114
  9. Sytin A. N. The Baltic States in the post-Soviet space in the context of their relations with Russia // Problems of national strategy № 4 (5). – 2010. (p. 64-79)
  10. Tishkov V. A., Stepanov V. V. Introduction: European minorities and politicized myths in the Baltic context of Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 9-24)
  11. Jarve P. Soviet legacies and contemporary ethnic politics in the Baltic countries the discourse of Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 39-64)

Literature and sources in a foreign language

  1. Jarve P. Ethnic Democracy and Estonia: Application of Smooha''s Model. Flensburg, 2000.
  2. Kent M. The Baltics: Demographic Challenges and Independence // Population Reference Bureau [Electronic Resource] URL : http://www.prb.org/Publications/Articles/2000/TheBalticsDemographicChallengesandIndependence.aspx (the last request - 15/04.2016)
  3. Muiznieks N. How Integrated is Latvian Society? An Audit of Achievements, Failures and Challenges / Ed. N. Muiznieks. Riga, 2010.
  4. Thiele, S. The criterion of citizenship for minorities: The example of Estonia / European Center for Minority Issues. Working, 1999. – 28 p.

[1] Sytin A. N. The Baltic States in the post-Soviet space in the context of their relations with Russia // Problems of national strategy № 4 (5). – 2010. (p. 64-79) C - 78

[2] Tishkov V. A., Stepanov V. V. Introduction: European minorities and politicized myths in the Baltic context of Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 9-24) C - 11

[3] Simonyan R. H., kochegarova T. M. the Russian-speaking population in the Baltic States // Bulletin of MGIMO University No. 3 / 2010. C. - 61

[4] ibid. p. - 60

[5] Simonyan R. H., kochegarova T. M. the Russian-speaking population in the Baltic States. S. - 60

[6] Muiznieks N. How Integrated is Latvian Society? An Audit of Achievements, Failures and Challenges / Ed. N. Muiznieks. Riga, 2010. P. 34

[7] V. V. Poleshchuk Russians in the Baltic political and public discourse of Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 24-39) C - 24

[8] Vorotnikov, V. V. the Foreign policy of the Baltic States in the beginning of the XXI century: scientific edition / V. V. Vorotnikov — M.: Publishing house "Aspekt Press", 2015. S. - 27

[9] E. Y. Zubkov, the Baltic States and the Kremlin. M.: ROSSPEN, 2008. S. - 145

[10] Simonyan R. H., lectures on the history and Ethnology of Lithuania / R. H. Simonyan. – M.: ZAO Publishing house "Aspekt Press", 2013. S. - 204

[11] P. järve Soviet legacies and contemporary ethnic politics in the Baltic countries the discourse of Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 39-64) C - 40

[12] R. H. Simonian doctrine of Occupation in the Baltic States: substantive and legal aspects // the State and law. 2011. No. 11, p - 109

[13] Cm. Thiele, S. The criterion of citizenship for minorities: The example of Estonia / European Center for Minority Issues. Working, 1999. P. 8

[14] Simonyan R. H., lectures on the history and Ethnology of Lithuania. S. - 243

[15] Polishchuk, V. V., Dimitrov A. S. Continuity as the basis of statehood and ethno-politics in Latvia and Estonia // the Ethnic policy in the Baltic States / ed. the editorship of V. V. Poleshchuk, V. V., Stepanov, Institute of Ethnology and anthropology. N. N. Maclay Russian Academy of Sciences. – M.: Science. – 2013. – 407. (p. 64-90) C - 65

[16] ibid.

[17] P. Jarve Ethnic Democracy and Estonia: Application of Smooha''s Model. Flensburg, 2000. P. 32.

[18] Poleshchuk, V. V., Dimitrov A. S. The Decree. Op. P. - 70

[19] ibid.

[20] Poleshchuk, V. V., Dimitrov A. S. The Decree. Op. P. - 71

[21] Simonyan R. Kh., Kochegarova T. M Decree. Op. P. - 63

[22] Simonyan R. Kh., Kochegarova T. S. M - 63

[23] Kent M. The Baltics: Demographic Challenges and Independence // Population Reference Bureau [Electronic Resource] URL : http://www.prb.org/Publications/Articles/2000/TheBalticsDemographicChallengesandIndependence.aspx (the last request - 15/04.2016)

[24]Balmasov S. Lithuania likened the poles to the Russian. // IO, "True. RU" [Electronic resource] URL http://www.pravda.ru/world/formerussr/latvia/07-11-2010/1054780-warshava-0/ (date last accessed - 15.04.2016).

Astapenko Ilya


RELATED MATERIALS: Politics and Geopolitics
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