One of the most important features of the political structure of the world after the cold war was the formation of new regional processes. The exemption system of international relations from a bipolar atmosphere of fierce ideological confrontation of the cold war led to the development of regional cooperation both vertically and horizontally. The Eurasian geopolitical area is among those regions that had a significant impact a new environment that facilitated the emergence of new processes in the regional cooperation of the countries of the region in various directions.
Among the various regional organizations that were created in this zone, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization because of its significant influence and continuous improvement is an outstanding model of regional cooperation in Eurasia in the post cold war period. Given the fact that a fundamental role in the creation and development of this organization was played by two countries - China and the Russian Federation, the present article makes an attempt of using analytical-descriptive approach to evaluate the role, purpose and interests of these two countries in the Shanghai cooperation Organization in three aspects - political, economic and vendobionta that would enable the best and comprehensive way to understand what is happening within the framework of this new regional organization, the processes from the point of view of its influence on a new system of international relations and Eurasian geopolitical zone.
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1986, last President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev at a meeting in Vladivostok called for the adoption of disagreements between China and Russia. In may 1989, during the historical visit to China, Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping signed the agreement and agreed on normalization of relations (Burles,1999:5-6). In the situation that prevailed in 1990 between the Soviet Union and people's Republic of China signed the Treaty on reduction of military bases and armed forces in the zone of the Chinese-Soviet border and the measures to build confidence between the two countries. However, the Treaty due to the collapse of the USSR was not completed. Later, in 1995, at a new stage of bilateral relations between Russia and China signed a Treaty of friendship and cooperation. Among the most important provisions of the Treaty provided for measures such as countering US hegemony, the demarcation of 4370 km border between the two countries, as well as the transfer and trade in military technologies, the provision of access to energy and commodities, countering the rising tide of Islamization in Central Asia (FeSi, 1388, 22-23).
In the current favorable environment on April 26, 1996, five countries - Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan at the meeting of the leaders of these countries in Shanghai has decided to strengthen trust in military sphere in the border areas to create a structure called "Shanghai group 5". In fact, for the first time in the history of China, Russia and Central Asian countries have joined together under an agreement on military and economic cooperation, agreeing on measures to maintain stability and security in the region (Chung,2004:990). Over time, given the good results of the work, the relative success and expand the scope of the "group of 5", and in accordance with the original agreement, in 2001 there were preconditions for the transformation of the "group of 5" in a regional organization called the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
On the other hand, in the same year, Uzbekistan became the sixth member of the SCO. Joining the organization in 2004, four countries - Iran, India, Pakistan and Mongolia as observers resulted in increased attention of the international community to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Currently, member countries and observer countries of the SCO have great potentials. The SCO includes countries with a total area of 37 million square km and a population of more than 2.7 billion people. On the territory of the SCO countries is about 20% of world oil reserves and 50% of the world's gas reserves. From the point of view of the geopolitical and geostrategic position, this region is of great importance. Given the forecasts that in the second half of the 21st century Asia is a particular economic and political place in the international system, and therefore the status of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will also increase. At the same time, people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation as a permanent member of the UN Security Council and as the great powers of the modern world play a much greater role and exert a special influence on the formation and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization compared to other members of the SCO. Thus dominant role of these two great powers in the process of operation and development of the SCO is the most important reason that the world's attention is riveted to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
Given the above, a question arises: what are the goals and interests of the two countries - China and Russia - in the formation and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? In other words, how these goals and interests affect the process of evolution of this regional organization? Guided by the issues raised in the present article an attempt is made using the analytical-descriptive approach to evaluate the role, purpose and interests of the two countries - people's Republic of China and the Russian Federatsii in respect of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in three aspects - political, military and economic, that would enable a better and more complete way to understand what is happening within the framework of this new regional organization, the processes from the point of view of its influence on a new system of international relations and Eurasian geopolitical zone.
1. Stages of formation and expansion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, despite the fact that it exists very short time, received considerable development, so this aspect was one of the features of the SCO, which attracted the attention of specialists. In General, since the establishment of this organization and to this day its objectives and functions were expanded stupenchataya way, and this process can be divided into three stages.
In the first phase since 1996 (year of establishment), and until 2000 the main focus of the Shanghai group 5 was aimed at resolving the boundary issues. Given the insignificance of the contradictions between Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on border issues, the greatest efforts were made at resolving the existing border issues between these countries and China and the conclusion between them of the relevant agreements. As a result, by the conclusion of agreements with States of the Shanghai group 5. China managed to secure its border with Russia and Central Asian countries length of about 7 thousand square kilometers(Vaezi, 1385, 9). Also, given the fact that a common border between China and Russia has a length of 4370 km, these two countries were able, using the tools of the new organization, to resolve historical border disputes. With significant agreement on the prohibition of military manoeuvres over the border, about the inadmissibility of military aggression against each other, on reducing the number of troops on the borders, and the acceptance of Uzbekistan as an observer in 2000. Also in 2000, the Shanghai five agreement was renamed vanhassel five, which played an important role in reforming the activities of this new organization.
The second stage - from 2001 to 2004 he was characterized by the concentration of activities on the issues of security and Economics, and became a turning point in the activities of the parties to the Treaty of the Shanghai five. Subject to the decision of boundary problems of the country - members had the opportunity to discuss at the sixth summit of heads of state in Shanghai on 14-15 June 2001, the issues related to the structure of the organization and its development, the most important regional and global international issues, economic cooperation and security. On these issues of important documents were signed. One of these documents was the agreement on combating international terrorism, religious extremism and smuggling of drugs and weapons. At this summit, with the agreement of the five countries the sixth member of the organization was adopted by Uzbekistan. Ultimately, the results and relative success of the Shanghai five created the preconditions for its transformation into a regional organization, and in 2001 was officially declared the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (ibid, 10).
At this point, the SCO members adopted important decisions such as the establishment in Tashkent anti-terrorism center, the purpose of which was marked by opposition to SCO three elements of evil - terrorism, extremism and separatism. This decision played an important role in strengthening the defense mechanisms and arrangements for ensuring security of the SCO. Noteworthy is the fact that this phase coincided with the events of 11 September in the USA, as well as the U.S. aggression in Afghanistan, fears over the spread of al Qaeda elements and the Taliban in Central Asia. During this period the West, in particular, seems to give this region special attention, which resulted, in particular, the establishment of military bases in Central Asia, which was of particular concern to member countries of the SCO, especially China and Russia, whereby these issues became the main subject of discussion at several summits of the SCO. It should be noted that although the fight against terrorism and extremism was the common task for the SCO and the U.S., however, given the differences of position of the SCO in relation to extremism and terrorism (the position of the SCO was based on issues of internal security) and the U.S. position (which was based on the concept of threat to the hegemony of liberal-democracy), even in the period of the highest rise of terrorism in practice, both sides were unable to agree on a common strategy to combat terrorism.
The third stage is from 2005 to present was characterized by admission to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization members and observers of the expansion of the SCO, horizontal and vertical expansion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. At this stage, with the aim of strengthening and expanding the activities of the SCO as observers were taken by four countries: Iran, India, Pakistan and Mongolia. This step has greatly increased regional cooperation, the potential and opportunities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. These changes, along with statements by leaders of China and Russia on the sidelines of SCO summits, beyond the region (and which basically are the unofficial position of the SCO), significantly increased international role and significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The summit of heads of the SCO member States in Astana (Kazakhstan) in July 2005 can be called a vivid manifestation of these changes. In an eight-page statement, the leaders of China and Russia on the eve of the summit have been strongly criticized unilateral U.S. efforts solely to the management of international crises, and in the final Declaration of the summit demanded the U.S. to provide a timetable for the withdrawal of military bases from Central Asia. On the basis of this requirement of American troops at the end of 2005 left the Khanabad military base in Uzbekistan. The Western media called these events the result of the emergence of a new force in the region. (However, along with these events, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization at this stage has evolved from the point of view of structural changes and from the point of view of its activities, in particular, measures were taken to expand the areas of cooperation between SCO members. For greater familiarization with the process of change at this stage, you must stay on the major summits of the SCO.
Summit 2006 in Shanghai, China.
Development of new rules for the Secretariat of SCO;
The change of name to the top job in the SCO with the President, the Secretary-General;
The extension of the powers of the Secretary-General of the SCO.
The 2007 summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.
The approval of the security plan to international security;
The signing of the agreement on cultural cooperation;
The decision to conduct a major anti-terrorist exercises of the SCO armies to the area of Chelyabinsk, Russia, called "Operation world-2007"
The 2008 summit in Dushanbe, Tajikistan.
Agreement in the field of creation in Central Asia of a zone free of nuclear weapons;
Increased cooperation with other regional and international organizations.
The summit of 2009 in Yekaterinburg.
China provided a loan of 10 billion dollars to SCO to ensure that measures to counter the effects of the global financial crisis;
The adoption of the action plan on multilateral trade-economic cooperation between member countries of the SCO.
Summit 2010, Tashkent.
The emphasis on maintaining stability and tranquility in Kyrgyzstan after unrest that took place there;
Support the agreement of Russia and USA on strategic arms reduction.
The decision of the heads of member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in recent years on organisational and practical matters contributed to the development even greater dynamism of the organization. In addition to these projects and decisions in connection with the SCO there have been other events, some of which because of their importance should be mentioned:
refusal in 2005 to adopt in the USA SCO as an observer;
the international conference "Shanghai Cooperation Organization: achievements and opinions" (30 November 2006);
the proposal of Russian President Putin about formation of the "Energy club of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization" (2006);
independent part of Deng Xiaoping as Secretary-General of the SCO in the jubilee session of the UN General Assembly on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the founding of the UN as an important step towards international recognition
organization of annual meetings of public prosecutors of member countries to information exchange and combating organised crime and drug smuggling;
meetings of the Council of merchants and bankers;
the holding in Moscow international conference on Afghanistan with the decisive participation of the SCO (27 March 2010);
the adoption of the joint statement of the SCO Secretariat and the UN (April 5, 2010);
carrying out operational-strategic exercises called "Saratov anti-terror 2010" from 16 to 26 August 2010 in Saratov, Russia.
2. The Activity Of The Shanghai Organization
Cooperation in the third stage resulted in a more influential position on the regional level and globally. Thus, as can be clearly seen, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization over time, taking into account domestic, regional and global needs came to need organizational and operational transformations, and its initial objectives, focused on security issues, were gradually shifted to other areas, in particular, on the economic. Meanwhile, noteworthy is the fact that U.S. President Barack Obama has expressed interest in cooperating with the SCO in resolving the Afghan problem. This question is important in the sense that Washington's negative attitude to the SCO, and refusal in 2005 to take the U.S. into the SCO as an observer further reinforced this pessimistic attitude of the USA to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. However, given the numerous challenges facing the U.S. and NATO in Afghanistan, Washington began to think about using possibilities of SCO, even though there is still no practical steps had not been done (Iran sarqi, 8 ordibehest 1389).
Overall consideration the evolution carried out by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, testifies to the dynamic development of this regional organization. This is confirmed by the organization are paying attention from the United States (even in words and ostentatious manner) influential role in regional and global processes. Meanwhile, the main factor contributing to these changes and causing them attention is an influential and undeniable role of two great powers - China and Russia as the main members and founders of the SCO, which determined the process of formation and modification of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization after 1996. However, as noted above, this factor was determined and increased the world community's attention to this new organization. In this regard, the understanding of the goals and interests of these two States in establishing and strengthening the SCO can contribute to a better understanding of the causes modifying the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and dynamism of this process.
With this in mind, we first briefly review the strategic partnership between the two countries - China and Russia, and then separately analyze the issue of what goals and interests pursued by the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation, carrying out changes in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, to better and more fully understand how changing the organization.
3. Sino-Russian relations: a strategic partnership
Sino - Russian relations in their current form, as repeatedly stated by the parties, have the form of a "strategic partnership" that is treated as a high level of bilateral relations. The shared positions of the two countries regarding global and regional international relations, the absence of differences and disputes, confrontation and rivalry between the two countries, and the existence of important common interests led to the desire of the parties to expand and deepen linkages. Unlike China's relations with the European Union, in which the most important element is the economic component, Chinese-Russian relations are mainly formed in the area of politics and security. This statement proves the volume of trade between China and Russia in comparison with the trade turnover between China and EU countries. The trade turnover between China and Russia over 10 months of 2010 slightly exceeded 45 billion dollars (Daily, December 10, 2010), whereas over the same period, the trade volume between China and the EU exceeded 210 billion dollars (Beijing Review, October 18,2010). In other words, common problems in connection with existing threats, on the one hand, and a unified position on international issues, both regional and global levels, on the other hand, are the main factors influencing the formation of relations between the two countries.
China and Russia are reading an existing single pole in the world order a threat to its interests and its national security, and seek to guide the development of the international system to a multipolar device. Therefore, both countries started to strengthen regional mechanisms along with internal consolidation in order to reduce the order, which would set the United States. This was especially true of the period of Bush's stay on a post of the President of the United States (the idea of a unipolar world). In fact, from the beginning of the plantations of the American plan of the new order, China and Russia spared no effort in any way to weaken this concept (Ta-chen,2000:718).
At the regional level of convergence between China and Russia is considered unidirectional policy towards Central Asia. In fact, after the collapse of the Soviet Union provided China with a window of opportunity for improving relations with the Central Asian republics.
On the one hand, Beijing is aware of the special sensitivity of Moscow toward the region, and on the other hand, Moscow considers Central Asia as its "strategic backyard" and strives to continue its "near abroad policy" (Brill Olcott,2000:375). On this basis, China is trying to avoid to collide with Russia's interests in Central Asia and respects the political and military role of this country in the region. With this in mind both parties, articulating common interests and common threats, considering the presence of U.S. and NATO in Central Asia as well as NATO enlargement to the East as a threat for themselves, and in order to meet this threat, to form a soft balance with the West, particularly the US armed forces and NATO in the region. In addition, Russia and China carried out an overall strategy in relation to issues such as the growth of Islamization, drug trafficking and combating armed gangs and terrorism.
Since the countries of Central Asia as well as Pakistan and Afghanistan are the southern neighbors of Russia and coexist with the Western regions of China, the interests of both these countries in this region are closely intertwined. The most important disturbing factor for both parties is the threat of extremism and instability as a result of economic stagnation in Central Asia (Emami Meybodi, and Esmaili, 1387, 22). At the regional level, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is the main embodiment of strategic partnership between the two countries. In fact, these two countries are the platform for the formation and development of the SCO, and thus they tend to use the SCO as a tool to create an acceptable order in the region, in which there are important common features. At the global level, the two countries are strategic partners in the UN Security Council, on the Board of Directors of the International atomic energy Agency and many other organizations. Common positions of the two countries on Iraq, on the nuclear issue of North Korea and the Islamic Republic of Iran and on many other issues confirm this thesis. In addition, Russia is the largest supplier of arms to China, a weapon that has for China of the utmost importance, because, on the one hand, on the supply of arms to China by Western countries (USA and European countries) embargoed, and on the other hand, China as its main priority in the sphere of national security has set the task of increasing military power and the establishment of parity on various aspects of military power. The issue of military buildup by the Chinese is understandable when you consider that the White paper on national defence issued in 2004, refers to tackle a growing backlog of the country militarily, resulting from the revolution in military Affairs that is regarded as one of the four major threats to national security, and therefore emphasizes the necessity to overcome this gap (White Paper,2004).
In General, the conditions in the two countries in various fields require a certain strategic Alliance between the two countries, because without that, none of the two countries can not solve their urgent problems. On the other hand, when the agreement between the two countries will have the opportunity instead of wasting time in confrontation with each other and impeding the strengthening of the position of the West and the opening of a new West front, directed against both countries, each of them can serve as a strategic rear for the other. Considering the development of the international situation and the situation in the region, the interests of China and Russia demand that in the future to take steps to create a regional order, and, at least, to turn this organization into an important element in ensuring security in the region (FeSi, 1388, 22-23) that can be expressed in the creation and strengthening of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Therefore, given the vital and influential role of Beijing and Moscow in the creation of this regional mechanism further attempt will be made to consider separately the objectives and interests of each of these two countries in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
4. The goals and interests of the people's Republic of China
People's Republic of China as one of the founders of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has played an important role in the formation and development of the organization. In this regard, the understanding of the policies of China on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization can lead to better and more realistic understanding of the nature of this organization. In the next section we will put our analysis of the interests and goals of Beijing with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization on the regional and global aspects.
4.1. Political goals and interests
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar world in the early 90s China's foreign policy has undergone significant changes. The policy of open dclothes Deng Xiaoping's got a more active implementation when leaders of the third generation (under the leadership of Jiang Zemin) and when the leaders of the fourth generation (under the direction of Hujintao). China has moved away from the ideological principles of the past decades, giving preference in foreign policy to practicality. However, global views of Beijing in the international system has undergone many considerable UPS and downs. Beijing in the first period after the collapse of the Soviet Union pursued the idea of creating a multipolar world in which there would be multiple independent centers of power, including China. Gradually, however, most clearly manifested in the late 90-ies, Chinese leaders stopped insisting on the idea of increasing global decentralization and began to pursue the concept of democratization of international relations. Prior to this period China did not show interest to cooperation with regional organizations. In order to implement this task, the Chinese specialists in international relations have become more open to Western concepts, such as regional identity, new regionalism and so forth (Yang, 1386, 23). Therefore, as a priority of China's foreign policy was tasked with creating long term and strong relationships with powerful strategic partner that could ensure its national interest (Goldstein,2001:844 - 6). On the basis of this course, regionalism has become one of the most important objectives in foreign policy strategy of China in the activities of the politicians of this country. In General China's foreign policy, focused on regionalism, based on the following four main principles:
participation in regional organizations;
the expansion and deepening of bilateral strategic cooperation with regional powers;
the expansion of economic ties;
the decrease in the level of distrust and concern in the region (moradi and Goudarzi Moazami, 1386, 279).
Guided by this approach, Beijing since the mid 90-ies began to try to realize their global aspirations and global goals in the international arena, that is, strengthening the decentralization and democratization of international relations through active participation in organizations such as OPEC, ASEAN (observer), as well as in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (as the main participant and founder).
4.2. Goals and interests in the field of security and defense
Goals and interests in the field of security and defense determine the interest of Beijing to the existence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The roots of this interest lie in the opposition of China to a whole complex of traditional and non-traditional threats in the space after the cold war. Overall goals and interests of China in the field of security and defence related to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, can be divided into three levels:
The first level is the creation of guarantees for the territorial integrity and national unity of China. The presence of separatist tendencies in some regions of China, such as Tibet, Xinjiang, and, of course, Taiwan, which enjoys the support of the USA, is one of the most important factors that threaten the territorial integrity and national unity of China. The area of Xinjiang to China is of great importance from the point of view of natural resources, as well as national and religious features and the presence of separatist tendencies. Also of importance is the fact that this inhabiting this province peoples have ethnic, religious or linguistic community with some peoples of Central Asia. This circumstance may become a source of increasing instability and unrest in the northwestern provinces of China, particularly in Xinjiang.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization gave China and Russia an opportunity within the institutional organization, which has four Central Asian countries pursue a coordinated policy for the control and suppression of separatist and nationalist tendencies. In other words, the proximity between the governments involved in inter-ethnic and separatist conflicts in the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, gives members the opportunity to use each other's capabilities to counter these threats, and developing integrated policies to limit support for separatist groups within their own countries. This gives China a very valuable chance to confront one of the gravest internal threats to their security through collective efforts within the framework of one regional organization.
The second level is the solution of border problems with Russia. From a historical point of view, the border between China and the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has always been the source and the extensive conflicts between the two countries. In 1969, even there was an armed clash over Jinbao island (Damansky). Ultimately the conflict in 1991 was resolved by recognizing the jurisdiction of China Gad this island. However, the persistence of mistrust between Moscow and Beijing led to the stationing of military forces and strengthening military bases on both sides of the border. After 1989 Russia and China in order to establish trust between the two countries have begun to reduce the number of troops on the border. However, due to the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of independent States in Central Asia border issues China has increased. As a result of the collapse of the USSR, the border between the two countries stretching over 7 thousand kilometers became the border between China and Kazakhstan length 1533 km, between China and Tajikistan (414 km), China and Kyrgyzstan (858 km) and China and Russia (4370 km) (Shirazi and Brown, G. 1388, 3034). This is the setting in the beginning of 90-ies China signed a number of bilateral and multilateral agreements with Moscow and thus managed to overcome the security problems in the border area. As a result of the establishment of the group of Shanghai five, China has taken an important step towards strengthening confidence in the military sphere on its border. Almost China in connection with the security problems in southern and Eastern regions could establish a buffer zone and barrier to the penetration of the West country, and at subsequent stages, the Chinese were able to make the other members of the SCO partners to solve their regional problems (Eshanova,2002).
The third level relates to the adoption of strict measures to combat transnational crime and to establish social stability and security. In fact, the Chinese believe that in the aftermath of the cold war decreased the probability of collision between the great powers, the use of nuclear weapons, as well as collisions caused by geopolitical contradictions, however, there was the threat of another type in non-material production (Amini, 1387, 135). On this basis, China through the development of regional linkages and integration with neighboring countries began to tackle other problems related to joint security, such as terrorism, drug smuggling, international crime, environmental pollution, illegal migration, AIDS and infectious diseases such as SARS, etc. Initiative of China in the Foundation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is a successful example of creation of regional institutional instrument to engage non-traditional threats to security (Shirazi, 1388, 34).
4.3. Economic goals and interests
One of the biggest events in the post-cold war period has been the unprecedented economic growth of China. Trade and economic issues prevail in the international relations of China to the extent that you can say that China uses in this area, the concept of foreign policy of expansionism. Continued open door policy and the process of détente in foreign policy, the adoption of market economy principles in the country and abroad, through extensive trade and economic relations with developed countries and international economic organizations, including WTO, created the preconditions for China's economic growth in the last twenty years. The active participation of China in regional organizations has become one of the strategic directions of Beijing in order to maintain and increase their economic potential. Active China's membership in regional organizations is a clear example of this strategy.
The formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization gave Chinese leaders a new opportunity to along with cooperation in the field of defence and security to continue the further expansion of trade and economic cooperation. The participation of China in this organization has allowed the growing economy of the country to access large consumer markets of member countries of the SCO to Chinese exports, and, on the other hand, create additional prerequisites for accelerated economic growth. With significant amounts of economic relations of China with the countries-members of the SCO have for energy. This is due to the great need of China to import energy.
In fact, the rapid economic growth of China in recent years led to a significant growth of energy consumption in the country. For example, oil consumption in the country during the period from 1995 to 2005 had doubled, reaching 6.8 million bpd. Increased consumption by China was so rapid that in 2003 it overtook Japan and ranked second in the world in oil consumption. According to the IEA, oil consumption in China in 2009 reached 4.1 million barrels per day, and in 2010 amounted to 4.5 million barrels a day (IEA,2010).
According to some estimates, oil consumption in China by 2020 will reach 12 million bpd, and by 2030 to 16 million barrels per day, while oil imports will increase by 2020 up to 7 million barrels by 2030 and 11 million barrels per day. Within twenty years the rate of growth of oil consumption in China would therefore amount to about 4.5%, which twice exceeds the world average and four times the average rate of growth of oil consumption in the developed world (Shariati Nia, 1387, 16-17). Natural gas consumption in China in recent years also increased rapidly, which has led to an increase in import of gas through pipelines. Increased imports of liquefied natural gas.
According to the National oil companies of China's gas imports in China in 2009 amounted to 8.3 billion cubic meters, and a year later, in 2010 this figure exceeded 10 bcm (Business Spectator, 2010). However, according to Chinese experts, the greatest concern in the area of ensuring the country's energy causes a small number of sources of oil imports. Currently about 50% of China's imported oil comes from the region of the Middle East, and by 2015, the proportion of middle East oil in Chinese imports will rise to 70% (The Institute for the Analysis of Global Security,February 10, 2010). This concern has been heightened by the increased vulnerability of the region from expanding military conflicts. In this regard, the people's Republic of China intends to break the dependence on this region (Arkhangelkiy,2008:3).
The concern of China in connection with oil supplies from Middle East countries similar to the U.S., which also import oil from this region, and concern in Europe because of the dependence on energy supplies from Russia. A common factor for all three examples is the dependence on one specific region. akticheski China in its oil diplomacy tends to operate in three areas:
To reduce its dependence on the Gulf region as the area under the influence of the United States;
China seeks to establish relations with the group of oil-producing countries, which are less subject to influence U.S. policy. This will reduce U.S. influence on the process of energy supply in China.
The third direction - China is seeking to establish bilateral relations with oil producers to measure the ability to protect themselves against fluctuations in crude oil production. Fourth - China is making efforts to ensure oil supply for their needs from Central Asia and Russia. This has the advantage due to the fact that imports from these countries are carried by land routes, and in this regard, they remain beyond the reach of the U.S. that control of the sea route (Uh, Meybodi and Esmaeili, 1387, 20). In addition, in recent years between China and Russia have developed a very broad cooperation in the energy sector. Today the Russian Federation occupies the fifth place among the largest energy exporters in China. Cooperation in the field of energy is one of the most important directions in trade-economic ties between the two countries. The interests of China and Russia in some spheres complement each other. Russia needs to develop its Eastern regions through the development of the energy sector, as China seeks to gain access to alternative sources of oil supply, which mainly comes from countries in the Middle East, despite the numerous crises in these countries. However, despite the variety of opportunities and a common border, Russian oil supplies to China continued to be by rail.
In addition to efforts towards alternative sources to import, similar to how Russia thinks about the development of its Eastern regions, the Chinese seriously are addressing the issues of development of the North-Western parts of the country, in particular in the region of Xinjiang. In fact, as a result of coincidence of interests of Russia in the development of the Eastern regions and interests of China in the development of the North-Western areas in December 2004, then Prime Minister of Russia Mikhail Fradkov has signed with Chinese leadership, the contract for the design and construction of the oil pipeline Eastern Siberia-Pacific ocean. Following this, the Russian company Transneft is engaged in the project is completed in 2020 the construction of an oil pipeline Taishet-Perevoznaya Bay. The costs in this project are estimated at 16 billion dollars. The pipeline is meant to export 80 million tons of Russian oil in the countries of Eastern Asia, of which 30 million tonnes is planned to supply to China (Morozov, 2008:5). In addition, Russia will receive a significant income for the transit of Russian oil to the markets of East Asia, this project will contribute to economic growth and development of its hinterland. Also, in accordance with the Protocol signed between the Russian company Transneft and National oil company of China, the parties are working on the design and construction of the pipeline to Skovorodino on the border with China. Also the Russian Bank Vnesheconombank has assumed the obligations on financing of the pipeline Eastern Siberia-Pacific ocean.
On the other hand, in 2006, was put into operation an oil pipeline from Atasu in Kazakhstan to Alashankou in China. The length of the pipeline is 962,2 km, the design capacity is 20 million tons per year. In the future this pipeline could be connected to the Caspian sea.
The project cost of 16 billion pounds January 2, 2011 opened the first stage of oil pipeline from Siberia to the area of Daqing in Northwest China, which can be pumped more than 15 million tons of oil from Russia to China. In accordance with the project plans by 2014 to complete the second stage of this pipeline with a length of 4700 km (Oil and gas News, January 2, 2011). It should be noted that this pipeline is of particular importance in connection with internal problems of China. The West of China compared to its Eastern regions with less developed socio-economic point of view. In the long term this could lead to internal destabilization. Therefore, the supply of oil from Kazakhstan to Western China in Xinjiang can be an effective measure in terms of the development of this area. For the Central government of China, Xinjiang is of strategic importance. In this regard, the Chinese leadership determined by economic development of this area to prevent unrest and instability. The pipeline from Kazakhstan to China, along with other numerous infrastructure projects proposed by the countries of Central Asia are in line with the strategy of China on the development of the Western regions of the country (Um, Meybodi and Esmaeili, 1387, 25).
These facts and considerations suggest that the entire complex of goals and interests in the areas of politics, defence, security and economy to support Chinese leaders of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has been quite effective. The strengthening of regionalism and commitment to the implementation of the idea of a multipolar world on a political level, opposition to internal security threats, especially separatist and extremist movements in areas such as Xinjiang, the establishment of a mechanism for regional security in Central Asia at the level of the military structures and security systems, expanding consumer markets for Chinese goods and provision of energy security by increasing energy imports from Russia and Central Asian countries and other economic activities are considered to be the most important goals and interests of Beijing, which played a decisive role in the rapprochement of China with the Russian Federation and, ultimately, in the development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
5. Russian Federation
The Russian Federation as a successor to one of the two superpowers of the cold war era into a new time, and especially after the coming to power of Vladimir Putin, has consistently sought to play an influential role in international relations. That is why Russia has made efforts to strengthen ties and cooperation with countries located on its periphery. That is why in recent years one of the characteristic features of Russian foreign policy was the focus on regionalism, a bright example was the creation and strengthening of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Since Russia as one of the founders of this organization has always played a determining role in its development and improvement, for a better and more real understanding of this organisation the following section outlines the aims and interests of Moscow in connection with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the fields of politics, defence, security and economy.
5.1. Political goals and interests
The Russian Federation as a successor to one of the two superpowers of the cold war era after the collapse of the Soviet Union was faced with numerous internal and external difficulties. During the transition period from Marxist political system to new conditions, Russian society experienced many political, economic and social difficulties. During this period one of the most serious social challenges for Russia was to identify problems and develop appropriate wording for the true Russian identity, on the basis of which to generate directions internal and foreign policy of the country. This is the setting in 90-e years in Russian society have any of various ideological and political movements. So, in the first years of the new Russian Federation was clearly shown in the Euro-Atlantic movement (Westernism), in which it appeared that Russia to implement economic reforms and development of democracy must stand on the side of the West. This trend influenced the foreign policy of the Kremlin, the first President of Russia Boris Yeltsin and foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev, who was a Westerner, and as a result they have chosen Pro-Western course. However, given the hopeless situation in the economy and in the social sphere in Russia in the early 90-ies, the victory of the radical-nationalist party headed by Vladimir Zhirinovsky in the 1993 parliamentary election in Russia's foreign policy has occupied a certain position of the Eurasian trend (nationalist) with a primary predominance of identity over Eastern with Western recognition that Russia is not a Western country, and definitely is separate from the West.
In January 1996, following the resignation of Andrei Kozyrev and the appointment of former KGB head Yevgeny Primakov as Minister of foreign Affairs, Moscow has departed from the Pro-Western course, and in the agenda of Russian foreign policy was included Eastern direction. The policy has been applied a new approach to China, India, Japan, and also to the territories of the former Soviet Union. Strengthening the community of independent States with common interests (CIS) , the Treaty on collective security with the countries of Central Asia, expansion of political and military presence in the Caucasus, as well as the formation of the Shanghai five by China and countries of Central Asia should be considered the most important result of the look East foreign policy of the Kremlin in the period of Primakov as Minister of foreign Affairs (Kaleji, 1387, 80). Policy treatment to the East has been even more actively pursued by Vladimir Putin, one result of which was the increase in the level of the Shanghai five to Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001. With this strategy, you should analyze the policy objectives and the interests of the Russian Federation in connection with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in two aspects: regional and global. At the regional level one of the main objectives is to restore the power and influence of Russia in the Central Asian region, an area the Russians because of its great importance, together with the Caucasus region is considered near abroad.
In General, under the influence prevailed in Russian society in the 90-ies Russian policy towards Central Asia as neighboring countries, has passed two steps of evolution. In the first phase - from December 1991 until 1996, Russia's foreign policy reflected the Euro-Atlantic, Pro-Western tendencies. Initial attempts to create a Slavic Union in isolation from the Central Asian republics have established a suitable atmosphere to form the first stage of Russia's foreign policy. This policy meant the complete neglect of the Central Asia, Caucasus and adjacent regions such as the Persian Gulf, and at the same time, by contrast, meant the need to create ties with the West. At this stage, until 1996 the main feature of Russian foreign policy was the lack of attention to the region. The neglect of Russia to the region has led to competition in the region of other players, including the USA, Pakistan, Turkey and the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, since mid-1996 in Russia's policy towards Central Asia has witnessed a distinct change at the platform of Eurasianism. This process was influenced by the following factors:
The interdependence of Russia and Central Asian governments in the field of security;
Foreign penetration and pressure on the States of Central Asia and the Caucasus due to their economic and political instability, inability to protect themselves from foreign pressure;
The continuous growth of the influence of politically conservative forces in the Russian government, including claims of the army to engage the lead role in identifying needs Russia in the security sphere (under the influence of the Eurasian views of Yeltsin and his colleagues);
Growing concern about national and tribal issues affecting the security of the CIS countries, primarily Russia, support the fundamental rights of the Russian minority and the possibility of military intervention in similar cases in other republics;
The requirements of some Central Asian governments for the establishment of collective security system with Russia's participation (Suri, 1388, 210-211).
The result of this approach can be considered as the efforts of Russia in formation of the Shanghai five along with China in 1996. The formation of this Pact with three Central Asian countries - Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan was an important step towards the restoration of power and the traditional Russian influence in the region. Raising the level of the Shanghai five to the level of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001 which was joined also another important country of Central Asia, i.e. Uzbekistan, led to a further strengthening of Russia's role in the balance of power in the region.
At the global level should also analyze the goals and interests of Russia in the creation and strengthening of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the direction of the global policy of the country in the implementation of the ideas of a multipolar world in the period after the cold war. in fact, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar world, the world is under the influence of superior powers - the United States is the only superpower that survived the cold war, and which sought to establish the domination of a unipolar system. The coming to power in the US neoconservatives led by George W. Bush in 200 year and the events of 11 September
2001, the war in Afghanistan and Iraq has led to the fact that the atmosphere in the world was made dependent on security issues and the existence of Washington's strategy of unilateral action.
In this situation, the great powers, including Russia and China, made efforts to strengthen bilateral and multilateral relations in order to counter the implementation of US objectives in the international arena for the creation of a unipolar system. Therefore, along with raising the level of relations between Moscow and Beijing to the degree of strategic partnership arrangements were made multilateral nature, a vivid manifestation of which was the creation and strengthening of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Analysis of speeches and statements of the organization, especially senior Russian leaders, suggests that the main concern and preoccupation of Russian leaders always had a task to counter the unipolar world and to support the idea of a multipolar world. Overall, at the global level, the Russian Federation regards the strengthening of regional instruments, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, an important measure in the direction of the gradual change of the current dominant system of relations in the world and the realization of the idea of a multipolar world. This question is the most important task in supporting Moscow of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
5.2. Goals and interests in the sphere of security and defense
One of the most important tasks of Russia in connection with the strengthening of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is implementing its tasks in the field of defense and security. At the first level of Moscow through the creation and strengthening of the SCO aims to preserve the national unity and territorial integrity. The presence of a powerful separatist movements among different ethnic groups and extremist elements in different regions of Russia, especially in border areas and in the North Caucasus is considered the major threat to the national security of Russia. Because of the wide connection of these currents with the processes behind the borders of Russia Moscow for a confrontation with these threats, he chose the path of strengthening multilateral relations in the framework of regional organizations. This was the motivation for the formation of the Shanghai five and later the Shanghai Cooperation Organization which was tasked with combating the three elements of evil - terrorism, extremism and separatism. The Kremlin sought to take advantage of this regional tool for suppression and control of separatist and extremist movements in the areas adjacent to Central Asia and the North Caucasus.
At the regional level one of the major tasks of Moscow in the creation and strengthening of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization was the formation of a stable and powerful system of security and defence in the region of Central Asia (as part of the territory of the near abroad). The presence in Central Asia power and at the same time, unstable political systems, the emergence of anti-Russian movements in the region, especially during the so-called color revolutions, clashes in Kyrgyzstan, a direct U.S. military presence in the region after the capture of Afghanistan, the establishment of U.S. military bases at Manas in Kyrgyzstan and Khanabad in Uzbekistan, expansion of the activities of terrorist and religious extremist groups, especially of Alqaida and the Taliban in Central Asia, as well as issues such as drugs, arms trafficking and human trafficking are major challenges in the field of security and defense, facing Russia in the Central Asian region.
The buildup of these problems happened in is so widespread that Russia has not been able to solve them alone. The unsuccessful experience of such mechanisms as the Commonwealth of Independent States and CSTO, demonstrates that some seceded from the USSR countries due to historical mentality have been reluctant to work in the organization, which is under Russian control. In this regard, Russia has made efforts to overcome the challenges in the security sphere in Central Asia through actions in the framework of a new regional organization called the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The activity of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in this area was very successful. This organization is managed by joint policies in the field of defence and security to create a anti-terrorism structure in Uzbekistan, to stop the activities of bases in Khanabad and Manas (created to host us troops after the attack on Afghanistan), which is regarded as the successful solution of the tasks of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which enabled a significant part of the plans of Russia in the field of defence and security.
Also worthy of consideration goals and interests of Russia's global nature in connection with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from the point of view of confrontation between the global security threat from the world of the West. Accelerated and non-stop expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to the East and in the Caucasus region, development and implementation of the various projects and plans with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, including the plan of Partnership for peace, as well as holding joint military exercises, the U.S. attack on Afghanistan and the presence of American troops and coalition troops in Afghanistan, a plan to create a missile defence system in Eastern Europe and Western anti-Russian sentiment on Russia's periphery, especially during the colored revolutions in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, and, finally, military clash between Russia and Georgia because of seeking the secession of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in August 2008 - all of these developments are major threats to the security and defense of Russia by the West over the past twenty years.
The seriousness and magnitude of these threats that have arisen as a result of the power vacuum after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw military Treaty forced Russia to create the Shanghai Cooperation Organization with the participation of another great power called China, which also faced many of these threats, keeping in mind that this will filled the power vacuum and renewed the balance of political forces in opposition to the Western world. Anti-Western policies of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a counterbalance to security threats from the Western world that have developed during large-scale military exercises, and in signing numerous military and defense contracts, has led many analysts to apply to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization such as "NATO of the East", and called "New cold war" after the cold war. Of course, these definitions are pessimistic and extremist because none of the members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization did not use such expressions. More acceptable would be to say that the SCO and especially its two main participants, i.e. Russia and China, aim to establish political balance as opposed to the purposes and actions of the USA and NATO in the region. In General, one of the major tasks of Moscow in the sphere of strengthening the Shanghai Cooperation Organization should be considered as opposition to security threats from the United States and NATO and recreate the balance of political forces opposed to the Western world, which played an important role in the development process of the organization.
5.3. Economic goals and interests
In the period after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Russian Federation during the transition period as a result of the wrong economic policies of the Yeltsin government figures the country's economy declined significantly, and the economy came in very poor condition. After the policy change at the end of the period of Yeltsin stay in power and the advent of the Putin government's official statistics showed that over the period 1998 to 2007 for eight years, the economy showed reasonable growth rates. The average annual growth rate was 6.7% , which suggests considerable achievements of the Russian economy, especially after the financial crisis of 1998. In this period the most important role to save Russia from the economic recession of the transition times has played a huge oil revenues as a result of significant growth of prices for oil on world markets. So, for example, as a result of increased oil revenues of Russia's gold reserves grew from 12 billion dollars in 1999 to 315 billion dollars in 2006 (Valesini, 1387, 3-5).This trend continued, and in October 2010, the Russia's revenues from oil exceeded $ 501 billion, reflecting a significant growth of foreign exchange reserves of the country (Chinability, 2010).
In the process of growth of economy of Russia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has moved gradually from cooperation to security cooperation in the sphere of economy, resulting in Economics new perspectives in connection with the development of economic cooperation in the region. During this process, Moscow has made efforts for the implementation of their goals and interests at the expense of appearing, in this regard, potential. Despite the fact that economic cooperation between Russia and other member countries of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is conducted in different directions, no doubt, the most important area of Russia's economic cooperation is energy.
Currently Russia is the third largest producer and second largest exporter of oil and gas. Oil reserves, Russia is in seventh place in the world, and in gas reserves is in the first place. In this regard, Russia's strategy in relation to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is based on the special role of energy. In principle, the main energy resources of Eurasia are concentrated in Russia. According to the Energy Agency, the U.S. proved oil reserves of this country at the beginning of 2010 was estimated at 60 billion barrels. In 2009, oil production in Russia reached 9.9 million barrels per day and oil exports this year has exceeded 7 million barrels a day (BBC News, January 2,2011). Besides oil Russia has the world's largest gas reserves, and is on a leading place among the manufacturers and exporters of natural gas in the world. These factors determine the high status of Russia in the global energy market. The reserves of gas in Russia in 2010 was estimated at 1680 billion cubic feet, representing approximately 25% of all proven gas reserves in the world. In 2009, gas production in Russia amounted 19003 million cubic feet, and thus by this measure the country was in second place in the world after the United States, where gas production was 21 billion cubic feet (US Energy Information Administration, 2010).
With such potential after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the period of Putin's presidency, the first change in the energy policy of Russia, which were reflected in published on may 28, 2002 "the Energy strategy of Russia for the period till 2020". This document, as amended, was approved by the Russian government in may 2003, and contains a summary of the energy strategy and the key objectives of Russia. This strategy includes the goals and objectives of energy policy of the country in relation to foreign States, including the need to strengthen Russia's positions on the world energy market by bringing the capabilities to export energy to the maximum level of guarantee equal access of Russian companies to financial resources, technology and foreign markets. Export infrastructure must be diversified to ensure that exports in all directions, and to ensure the use of energy within the country. Proceeding from stated, energy is considered as the main element of Russian diplomacy. It is in this context considered and diplomatic support of Russian energy companies abroad, active dialogue with the countries of CIS, European economic community, countries in northeast Asia, the European Union and with the United States and other countries and international organizations (Academia, 1386, 56-60). Active participation of Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Russia put forward proposals for the establishment of the SCO energy club talks about the special opinion of the Kremlin leaders on the role and place of energy. The reasons for this special attention can be summarized as follows:
- Revenues from the sale of energy plays a vital role in the political rebirth of Russia and raise its place in the structure of international relations. That is why the Kremlin's politicians do not admit in the energy sector, the private sector, exercised strict state control over the energy sector through large public companies, as "Gazprom", "Rosneft" and "Transneft" and thus provide a strictly politicized strategy in the field of energy. Therefore, the development and implementation of various programs, including the idea of an energy club creation, should be regarded as events in terms of a long-term strategy of Russia in the field of energy, to ensure the active participation of Russia and the huge inflow of income to restore the capacity and status of Russia in the world.
- The presence of Russia in the Central Asia region, which belongs to the Russians of the near abroad. In fact, the lack of long-term programs in the field of energy in Central Asia, which would be the active participation of Russia, in recent years there has been a disturbing issue for the Kremlin leadership. In this regard, the Russians have approved a document called "the Concept long-term socially-economic development of the Russian Federation in Central Asia up to 2020 and the Concept of protection of national interests of Russia in Central Asia" . These documents provide wide activities in exploration, exploitation, infrastructure and pipeline investments in Central Asia. The idea of creating energy club makes more reliable the possibility of this presence within the framework of regional organizations.
- Urgent need to modernize the Eastern regions of Russia. Due to the huge extent of Russia's geographical latitude, as well as the implementation in the Soviet period, unbalanced socio-economic development of Eastern regions of Russia is significantly lagging behind the Western part of the country. In this regard, the Kremlin leaders seek to achieve a balanced in this respect. One of the instruments to implement such objectives may be the exploitation of huge energy resources in the East, including Sakhalin island and gas field in Kovykta area and Irkutstk. In addition to internal development, the Russians are planning to expand exports to the East and North-East Asia, and believe that these plans cannot be implemented without the participation of China. In this regard, since 1999, Russia and China are engaged in the development of gas condensate field and the construction of Kovykta gas export pipeline, which will play an important role in the industrial development of East regions of Russia and will ensure exports to China and in gray-East Asia (Kaleji, 1388, 85).
- This fact is perhaps most important in the question of Russia's use of energy as leverage for political pressure in the framework of power politics that plays a significant role in achieving their goals, Moscow and strengthening of convergence with the Western world. In this connection, Putin said: Once the king sent the offensive troops and conquered the West, however, today we do the same with gas and gas pipelines. A clear example of this policy is Moscow's position regarding the energy Charter of the European Union. This document was approved by member countries of the European Union in 1991, and at the same time that the document was signed and Russia. In the energy Charter emphasizes that the partnership in energy sphere between the EU and Russia should be on the basis of the principles of non-discrimination, to be predictable and to ensure the security of gas supplies over a long period of time, provide opportunities for mutual investments and respect for competition rules and Energy Charter (Vahidi, 1385, 82). However Russia, despite the signing of the Treaty, still refrained from its ratification in the State Duma, and moreover, in December 2006, Russia stated that in view provided in the document rights of third party access to pipeline grids of Russia, the signing of such a document impossible.
In August 2009, Moscow has officially informed the Depository of the Treaty, i.e. Portugal, that they are ready to perform the contract temporarily and under certain conditions that entered into force on 18 October 1999 the attached Protocol will not operate. It is clear that the ratification and implementation of such a Treaty would be tantamount to the loss of crucial levers of Russian power in relation to Western consumers, and therefore today's generation of Russian leaders wouldn't go (at least in the short term).
In fact, the main reason for the deadlock at the summit of heads of state of NATO in Bucharest in 2008 on the accession to NATO of Georgia and Ukraine, as well as the lack of agreement at the EU summit after the Abkhazian and South Ossetian crisis on the issue of sanctions against Russia was the fact that Germany depends on Russian gas supplies by 35%, Italy 36% and France 24%.
It is possible to assume that Moscow will continue to use this lever to regulate their relations with Europe. So the Russians in order to maintain and preserve their more advantageous position in comparison with Europe began a coordinated and comprehensive movement for the creation of a single energy unit, in particular in the gas sector. Before placing an offer on creation of energy club Putin, since 2002, constantly trying to promote the idea of creating a gas cartel between the CIS countries.
Current conditions suggest it is evident that Russia seeks to bolster its natural gas cartel by joining Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, meaning that they will not be able independently to produce and sell gas. In fact, Russia has consistently sought to take on the role of monopoly in the markets of Asia and Europe (Blank,2006:4). In this direction Russia has managed in the last days of 2008 to create a gas OPEC and make another step towards your goal.
The above considerations show that in connection with the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for both the major countries - the founder - Russia and China - the most important factor was the whole complex of political goals and interests, defense, security and economy, especially in the field of energy, which determined the support of this organization is that the leaders of these countries.
Strengthening a regional approach in the framework of the look East and attempt to implement ideas of multi-polar world and counter the unilateral politics of Washington, combating security threats within the country, and especially the separatist and extremist movements in the areas bordering Central Asia and North Caucasus, the establishment of a mechanism for regional security in Central Asia and countering the security threats from the Western world, particularly in the area of NATO expansion to the East, as well as direct U.S. military presence in Afghanistan and Central Asia in the sphere of defence and security, the expansion of economic markets and increase exports of energy to China and East Asia - all this ranks among the most important common goals and interests that played a crucial role in the rapprochement of the Russian Federation and people's Republic of China and ultimately in the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
As a result of the collapse of the USSR and cessation of the ideological rivalries between China and Russia, there were good preconditions for cooperation between the two countries, despite the fact that the presence in the leadership of the foreign policy of Russia in the first half of the 90-ies of the supporters of Atlanticism have slowed the process. However already in second half 90-ies with the arrival of the Eurasians and especially due to the decisive role which came to power in Russia people like Yevgeny Primakov and Vladimir Putin, the rapprochement of Russia and China improved, and thus were created the prerequisites for the formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This organization under the influence of domestic, regional and global factors, but also due to the convergence of goals and interests of Russia and China began to develop rapidly as horizontal (admission of new members) and vertically (the formation of goals and objectives and various functions). Today this organization is an example of successful regional cooperation in the Eurasian space. The SCO is considered to be one of the most dynamic regional organizations in the world. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization since its creation and up to date on an upward model for improving formulated and carried out the task, and at each stage in accordance with the new requirements included in the agenda of work with new challenges, expanded its membership and deepened cooperation. This organization was initially formed in order to establish trust at their common borders between Russia, China and three Central Asian States, and in the next phase the tasks of the organization were already included issues such as the fight against terrorism, separatism and religious extremism. At the same time a member of the organization was adopted by Uzbekistan, which in the largest extent compared to other countries in Central Asia threatened the separatist movement.
At the current stage given the fact that in the SCO as observers joined four countries - Mongolia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, India and Pakistan, the objectives of the organization, which until then had concentrated more on the geographic aspects and mainly on the problems of Central Asia, has expanded. Now in its ass became a problem creating the region without tensions and perhaps without the US military presence in the developed Eastern part and the total intensity of the Western part of Asia. However, in the present circumstances it seems premature to talk about the transformation of the SCO into a military-political organization of global scale or organization entirely economic focus, due to the different political structure of member States of the SCO and the differences in the level of economic development, as well as conditions from the point of view of security. However, in the case of this development there is a strong likelihood that the tasks and functions of the organization, as mentioned above, will be mainly concentrated primarily around the interests of China, and in the second turn - around Russia's interests. In fact, the convergence of goals and interests of China and Russia in the sphere of politics, defence and security and Economics in the last twenty years has mainly contributed to the creation and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
In political terms, the coherence of the two countries played an important role in the development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its focus on strengthening the regional strategy, the opposition to the policy of a unipolar world and a one-sided US policy in the era after the cold war by adopting a strategy of political balance and, ultimately, the realization of the idea of a multipolar world. In the field of defence and security also coincided with the interests of the two countries from the point of view of combating separatist movements, and extremism within and understanding of the need for a mechanism to ensure regional security, particularly in the Central Asian region needed to counteract such threats, as terrorism, and global levels to counter the threat of NATO expansion to the East, the problem of occupation of Afghanistan and close the US military presence in Central Asia. These factors led to the emergence of a common understanding of the leaders of the two countries - China and Russia - the importance of safety, which decided the creation and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within a very short time period.
Economic interests of the two countries coincide, especially in the energy sector that played a crucial role in the development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Russia as one of the world's largest producers and exporters of oil and gas and China as the world's second largest energy consumer have a shared mutual interest in developing cooperation in the field of energy, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has become one of the most favorable form of realization of these interests. Overall experience of 14 years of its existence the Shanghai Cooperation Organization indicates the role of the peripheral countries of Central Asia and observer countries in the process of modifying the organization, and Vice versa, the main cause of the emergence and development of this organization should be considered the coincidence of interests and a global political, military and economic objectives between the two great powers - Russia and China. It appears that while these interests will coincide, and will continue the process of development and expansion of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
Sources and literature
- Academia, Behnaz (1386), Russia - energy superpower. The scientific journal energy Eurasia. Institute for strategic studies, the panel study of foreign policy, 1386
- The uh, Meybodi, Ali Esmaeili and Bashir (1387), China and energy resources of the Caspian sea, Central Eurasian Studies, first year, No. 2
- Amini, Armin (1387), the Impact of Chinese doctrine on strategic security plan "Big" Middle East, quarterly journal of defensive strategy, No. 22
- Balesin Asghar, (1387), the Economic approach to iranologists relations. Tehran, Institute for research into economic initiatives
- Jiang Yang (1386), the Emergence of Asian regionalism and the changing international system: Scientific thoughts and views of China. Tehran, Publishing house of the Ministry of foreign Affairs.
- Suri, Amir Mohammad (1388), the Economic policy of Russia in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Journal of economic studies diplomacy, Tehran, Institute for strategic studies, a study group of foreign policy
- Shariati Nia, Mohsen (1387), China, energy security foreign policy. Research journal of Asia and energy security. Tehran, Institute for strategic studies Amu-Darya
- Shirazi, Habibollah Abolhasan and Brown, Atef (1388), Policies of China and Russia to ensure regional security in the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Quarterly journal of political science and international relations, Islamic Open University, Tehran branch (Central), second year, No. 2
- FeSi, Mohsen (1388), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, partnership of China and Russia. The study of Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 68, winter.
- Kuzagar Kaleji, Wali (1387), Evaluation of the South Ossetia crisis and the Russian invasion in Georgia. Political and economic news, 22nd year, No. 251-252
- Kuzagar Kaleji, Wali (1388), Reflections about the design of an energy club within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The quarterly magazine of questions of strategy, Institute of strategic studies, No. 51
- Moradi, Manouchehr and Moazzami Goudarzi, Parvin (1386), collected papers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: prospects, Tehran, Publishing house of the Ministry of foreign Affairs
- Vaezi, Mahmoud (1385), the Changes of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and membership of Iran. The study of Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 53.
- Vahidi, Moussa Alireza (1385), Energy as a factor in the widening rift between Russia and the EU, Studies of Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 56
- Iranshahi, a Brief overview of the activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in connection with the meeting of defense Ministers of this organization in Moscow. Bureau of research and study of Iran and Central Asia, 8 ordibehesht
- Blank, Estephen (2006), "The Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an Energy Club", the Issue of the CACI Analyst.
- Buries, Mark (1999), "Chinese Policy toward Russia and the Central Asian Republics ", Santa Monica, CA:RAND, 1999.
- Chung, Chien-Peng (2004), "The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Changing Chinas Influence in Central Asia", The China Quarterly, Vol. 4, December.
- Pannier, Bruce(2006), "Eurasia: Shanghai Cooperation Organization Marks 10 Years", April 26, 2006. (Available at: www .rferl .org/content/article/1067968.html.
- Ta-Chen, Jua (2000), "Thoughts on Issues of Sino-Russian Economic and Trade Cooperation Facing the 21st Century", Ta Kung Pao, July 18, , in FBISCHJI-2000-0718.
- Brill Olcott, Martha (2004), "Russia-Chinese Relations in a Changing Asia", Washington DC, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
- Goldstein , Avery (2001), "The Diplomatic Face of Chinas Grand Strategy: A rising Power's Emerging Choice", The China Quarterly, Vol. 168, December 2001.
- Eshanova, Diva Tour, (2002),"Are Radical Groups Joining Forces?", RFE/RL, October 8, 2002.
- Arkhangelkiy, Alexander (2008), "Prospects for Energy Integration Within the SCO", Central Asia and Caucasus Journal of Social and Political Studies, CA & CC Press Publishing House, Sweden.
- Morozov, Yuri (2008), "Russia, the West and the SCO Countries in the Central Eurasia Energy Prospects", Central Asia and Caucasus Journal of Social and Political Studies, CA & CC Press Publishing House, Sweden.
- "China 2010 Crude Oil Imports Set to Rise 9.1%" ?Business Spectator, February, 2010, Available at: http://www.businessspectator.com.au/bs.nsf/Article/UPDATE-1-China-2010-crude-oil-imports-to-rise-91-p-2C62J!OpenDocument&Click=.
- "Chinas Foreign Exchange Reserves, 1977-2010”, Chinability, 2010, Available at: http://www.chinability.com/Reserves.htm.
- "CNPC Announces Kenkiyak-Kumkol Section of Kazakhstan - China Oil Pipeline Becomes Operational”, Oil & Gas News, January 2, 2011, Available at:http://www.youroilandgasnews.com/cnpc+announces+kenkiyak- kumkol+section+of+kazakhstan - China+oil+pipeline+becomes+operational_35798.html.
- "Eurasian Exchanges” (2010), Beijing Review, October 18, Available at: http://www.bjreview.com.cn/world/txt/2010- 10/18/content 304357.htm.
- "Fueling the Dragon: Chinas Race into the Oil Market", the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security (IAGS), December 10, 2010, Available at: http://www.iags.org/china.htm.
- "Russia-China Oil Pipeline Opens," BBC News, 2 January 2011, Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific- 12103865.
- "Sino-Russian Trade Bounces back in 2010", China Daily, December 10, 2010, Available at: http://www.cdeclips.com/en/business/fullstory.html?id=56693.
- "Top Proven Natural Gas Reserves Holders (2010), US Energy Information Administration, Available at: http://www.eia.doe.gov/cabs/russia/NaturalGas.html.
- Oil market Report (2010), " International Energy Agency (IEA)", Available at: http://omrpublic.iea.org/.
- White Paper of China Government (2004) , Available at: www.china.org.cn/e-white/index.htm.
- 02-05-2018Technology: 35-forecasts to 2018
- 22-03-2018"Digital state": how they have evolved
- 08-03-2018Welcome to the new world: a map of the opposing blocks of the XXI century
- 17-02-2018Priority projects of mankind
- 07-01-2018Ten major risks for the world in 2018
- 04-07-2012Russia cooking oil blockade and the collapse of the scenario of the 80-ies
- 23-12-2012The Vedic understanding of state policy
- 22-11-2013In the archives of the "world government"
- 08-01-2014Of a mega-Church and their communication strategies
- 08-11-2012The main threat to peace or a recipe for success